• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.157-196
• /
• 2018

This study analyzes non-standard workers' attitudes and behaviors towards standard workers' strikes using the case of a joint strike held by journalists at KBS and MBC in 2012. Tracing the process since 2008 by which a conservative government has tried to control the press and regular journalists have collectively resisted against it, we put our analytical focus on two major groups of freelance broadcast professionals: independent producers and writers in current affairs. Specifically, we examine 1) how they perceived and responded to a series of regular journalists' struggle to protect journalistic value, 2) how such perception of and response to regular journalists could be developed, and 3) how (de)solidarity could form and then deepened between freelance and regular journalists in the 2012 Media Strike. Our findings show that the ways in which regular journalists had controlled freelance journalists at work affected the relationship between class-based and occupation-based rationality freelance journalists held in their minds. Independent producers, who had developed a strong class-based rationality in response to the coercive input-output control, showed cynicism about regular journalists' strike pointing out their hypocrisy and contradiction. In contrast, freelance writers accommodated and joined the strike by regular workers in the spirit of solidarity based on occupational rationality which had developed from normative, process control. Our paper ends with theoretical and practical implications.

• Women's Studies Review
• /
• v.31 no.1
• /
• pp.93-116
• /
• 2014

This thesis discussed the status of women workers as wage laborers and home laborers and the valid of a documentary movie for representing women laborers through a documentary movie, Weabak that revolved around Home-ever occupation strike leaded E-Land labor union at 30th June, 2007. Jobs for women labors got covered by the flow of flexibility with the policy of labor flexibility in South Korea during 1990s. The reasons that justify this trend are their position in the households, and their roles in working places are not very important because there are not required difficult skills. The mass dismissal which caused the E-Land strike also shared these ideologies. In Weabak, since women laborers were always expected to care for their family, they were need strikes in their home as well as their working place. However, a household is a basement for them to get the identity as a women laborer. It has two ambivalent meanings, as a protected area and disorder for them to pursue their life at the same time. Identity of Women laborers, domestic laborers as well as wage laborers, are very difficult to identify as a general noun, a laborer. Weabak is an important example to show us the possibility of a documentary as searching new realism for representing women laborers' story using their own perspective.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.17 no.1
• /
• pp.139-176
• /
• 2011

Non-regular workers came to the fore while working class formation was in retreat along with the democratic labor movement of regular workers. The formation of principal agents, however, is yet to occur. Then, why non-regular workers' struggles could not yield a consequence in that regard? What kind of factors are to determine the outcome of the struggles and how do they do it? It is the aim of this study to answer those questions. In contrast with regular workers' struggles, non-regular workers' struggles tend to break out in response to capitalist offensives, rely on atypical and, often, extreme measures of struggle rather than strike in the form of work stoppage, drag out for too long, and appeal for social solidarity outside when the solidarity of regular workers is not available. Non-regular workers' struggles tend to end up with failure rather than success, and with weakening rather than strengthening of their organizational strength. So as to overcome the tendency to fail, non-regular workers' struggles need regular workers' solidarity in addition to their own strong mobilization power, while social solidarity or positional power could substitute for regular workers' solidarity in some cases. So as to build up their organizational strength, non-regular workers' struggles should win victories in the struggles, while a victory could turn into a trap in the case of conversion. Both regular workers' solidarity and the internal integration of the struggles are two foremost important factors in achieving the victory of struggles and the building-up of organizational strength. Those who have got involved in struggles are from the best organized sector among all the non-regular workers. As they have gone through weakening of organizational strength, it becomes more difficult for non-regular workers to form principal agents. Without non-regular workers' struggles, however, the capitalist offensives must have carried the day. In that sense, non-regular workers' struggles did a role in at least detaining capitalist offensives, if not stopping them. The practical implication of non-regular workers' struggles is that, if non-regular workers redefine the ultimate goal of their struggles as the formation of their principal agents for working class formation, it would be a strategically rational choice to identify the strategic objective of struggles with the maintaining and strengthening of their organizational strength rather than the achievement of their immediate demands.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.16 no.6
• /
• pp.54-62
• /
• 2016

This study conducted semiotic analysis of drama . Based on Paradigm, Syntagm concept, I apprehended the characteristics of descriptive structure of drama, characters and contemplated on ideology reflected in the drama. As a result, it has approaching method of Critical Pluralism which strongly exposes resistance ideology. The drama intensified Classical Ideology such as gender role, hero, and family ideology, also it consists of Humane Introspection Ideology such as self-understanding, mutual-understanding, and self-serving bias.