• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.121-150
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• 2004

As genre of Buddhist paintings that express generally mountains and waters, there are Eight Scenes from Life of the Buddha(八相圖), Eternal Life Painting(甘露圖), Avalokitesvara Painting(觀音菩薩圖) includes Sixteen Lohans painting(十六羅漢圖), and Hermit Painting(獨聖圖), or Mountain God Painting(山神圖) which is especially appeared in late Chosun Period. These Buddhist paintings had various backgrounds including mountains and waters, the tradition of Water Ink Painting still remains after 18th century, however the trends got complicated to express various landscapes including splendid color, waters and mountains, and it appeared to have historical trend with introduction of factors of Minhwa(民畵) so called in 19th century. Sixteen Lohans painting painted from late 19th to early 20th century, still contains the traditional factors in terms of describing background among above trends, however the main factors of expressing the background are different from other Buddhist painting which reflects historical art trends in colors and its materials by drawing various background distinctively. That is, Sixteen Lohans painting is distinct at describing the background of blue & green colored mountains and waters that is appeared in trend of Minhwa(民畵) and the royal which were popular at that time It also shows broad acceptance with introduction of new background expressions such as Sipjangsang(十長生, Picture of 10 different things of Sun, Mountain, Water, Stone, Cloud, Pine, Plant of eternal youth, tortoise, Crane, and deer to hope the eternal life) Unryoung(雲龍, Dragon Cloud), Mangho(猛虎, Wild Tiger), Gweseck(怪石, Oddly shaped stone), Hwajo(花鳥, Flowers and Birds), Chaekgoeri(冊巨里, The books and bookshaves). In terms of its materials, positive representations of eternal life, wealth and luck were mainly appeared, this is closely related with Self-Search of Buddhist which was the trend at that time that Buddhist turned into the popularized religion in Chosun Period, especially the cooperation of popular belief with Taoism. This is appeared on various Taoists that is expressed in Buddhist paintings of Sixteen Lohans painting at that time. It would provide some clauses to infer the painted years of existing Minhwa at the fixed type of folk story paintings appeared on Sixteen Lohans painting painted mainly from late 19th to early 20th Century. There is also a possibility of the active participation of Buddhist painters(佛畵僧) as painters of Minhwa by request and demands from common people. Inquiry into factors of folk story paintings among Buddhist paintings started from similarity of the materials and shapes, however it doesn't seem to have dramatically expressed comic or exceptional techniques. But, the fact that there are similar types of decorative pictures in the Royal Court rather seemed to be possible for Buddhist paintings to have functions as religion.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.209-241
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• 2016

"Women's Nong-ak (農樂, Traditional Korean music performed by farmers)" was born together with "Maiden group." This study focuses on the reason why women appeared as principal agents of Nong-ak which was almost exclusive to men previously and especially, on the appearance of women Nong-ak Artists who was previously worked in Traditional Drama Troupe. This study empirically deals with details of activities of Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak troupes and Girls' (少女) Nong-ak troupes through newspaper articles. Women Nong-ak Artists enjoyed popularity with their peculiar attractions. Participating in Nong-ak contests and collecting money for their performances, women Nong-ak Artists learned their skills form masters of Woodo Nong-ak and attracted attention with their colorful costumes. Women of Nong-ak circle especially saw through the trend of the time, expanded their arena of activities and exercised flexibility and ability to react quickly to changing situations while mixing with various genres. In particular, young girls were mobilized to show value and marketability of Korean culture as cultural medium who decorated "Pure Nong-ak art stage." They were no different from "Pretty dolls dancing like angels" who could not purse their interest and economic benefit or incite political cause and their patrons were domestic and overseas political figures. Women artists, who put Nong-ak on the stage in the name of Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak troupes and Girls' (少女) Nong-ak after the liberation from Japanese colonial rule, contributed to expansion of market base. Women Nong-ak artists, who dominated a century in such troupes as Sadangpae, Hyuprulsa, Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak troupes, Girls' (少女) Nong-ak troupes and Women Nong-ak troupes, were the very heroines who overturned the conventions of "male predominance (男尊女卑)" which filled Nong-ak arena and cultivated a new tradition of Nong-ak culture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.80-98
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• 2023

In the late Joseon Dynasty, when the bride would ride a palanquin when she went to live with her in-laws, it was a custom to cover the palanquin with tiger skin to ward off misfortunes that may come her way. The higher classes used tiger skin or leopard skin for this purpose, but the common people had to substitute this expensive item with a tiger pattern painted on a blanket. Such blankets were called hotanja, hogu, hoguyok and the like. The term "hotanja" is a pure Korean word. It is not known when the cover for the bridal palanquin was first used, but it was popular from the end of the 19^th century and then gradually disappeared. This is due to the introduction of new Western style weddings that eliminated the need for a bridal palanquin. The tiger print blanket was used not only to cover the bride's palanquin but also to cover a table or floor during the wedding ceremony. This study ran a material analysis on nine pieces of tiger print blankets. All of the blanket artifacts examined in this study had an outer cover and a lining made of fabric that used cotton thread for the warp and wool thread for the weft. Two kinds of wool were found in the weft thread in the outer covers: fat-tailed sheep hair from China and goat hair for carpets from the Hebei province, China. Records show that "blankets with painted tiger patterns" were imported from Russia, and the imported blankets were from Russia and China. The outer cover can be categorized into six types, and the lining into three types depending on the weave and direction of the thread twist. The hem facing can be divided into four types. The lining and outer cover use the full width of the fabric, which was woven in wide widths of 135 cm or wider. The tiger pattern on the blanket was made by stenciling. The stencil design of the body and tail of the tiger were placed on a red blanket to be painted in white, and then the background color of the tiger, which is yellow, would be painted over the white, and then black stripes would be added. The pattern of the tiger varies, which shows that the blankets were made by various craftspeople. The pattern of the tiger print blanket is usually of a tiger lying down, but there were tiger print blankets with a tiger standing up. The pattern of the tiger grew smaller over time, and flower patterns were added in the background. Decorative elements were gradually added to the tiger print blanket patterns, but its function as a palanquin cover became lost. By taking the features of tiger print blankets into consideration, it can be assumed that there are imported pieces among the remaining pieces, and were produced in various places because it was popular at that time.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.32 no.12
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• pp.1837-1847
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• 2008

The goal of this study is to express the image of chameleons-that change their colors by light, temperature and its mood-into the sexy styles of corresponding coquettish temperamental people in Wearable Art. The method used in this study was experimenting various production mediums, including creating the textured stretch fabric, in the process of expressing the conceptual characteristics of the chameleon in Wearable Art. The concept of the work was a concoction of 'tempting', 'splendid', 'brilliant', 'fascinating', etc. that highlighted the real disposition of the chameleon. The futuristic preference of the researcher was also implicated. "Comfortable" and "enjoyable" concepts via motions were improved with the its completeness. The point of the design and production is to express symbolically the chameleon in real life, analyzing its sleek body lines, conditional colors changing, outer skins and the cubic textures. The coquettish temperamental image, the conceptual image of the chameleon, was also expressed by implication into the whole work. The entire line of this work is body-conscious silhouette. It was symbolically selected to image the outline of the chameleon that has the slim and sleek body. The exposed back is intended to express symbolically the projected back bones of the chameleon. The hood of gentle triangle line expresses the smooth-lined head part. The irregular hemlines represent the elongated chameleon's tale. The chameleon with its colors of vivid tones is characterized the colors changing by its conditions. This point was importantly treated in the working process by trying the effects that the colors are seen slightly different according to the light and angles. The material was given the effect that its surface colors are seen different in lights and angles because of the wrinkles protruded lumpy-bumpy. The various stones of red and blue tones are very similar to the skin tones of the real chameleon, and their gradation makes the effect that the colors are visibly changed with each move. The textures of the chameleon were produced via the wrinkle effect of smoke-shape, which is the result of using the elastic threads on the basic mediums stitched with 50/50 chiffon and polyester along with velvet dot patterns. The stretching fabric by the impact of the elastic threads is as much suitable for making the body-conscious line. The stones are composed of acrylic cabochon and gemstone. They are symbolically expressed the lumpy and bumpy back skin of the chameleon and produced the effect of the colors visibly different. The primary technique used in this dress is the draping utilizing the biased grains. The front body piece is connected to the hood and joined to the back piece without any seam. For the irregular hemline flares, leaving the several rectangular pieces with bias grains, they were connected by interlocking. What defines the clothes is the person in action. Therefore, what decides the completeness of clothes might be its comfortable and enjoyable feeling by living and acting people. The chameleon dress could also reach its goal of comforting and pleasing Wearable Art in the process of studying the techniques and effects that visibly differentiate the colors. It is considered as a main point of the Wearable Art, which is a comfortable enjoyable clothing tempered with the artistic beauty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.