• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.273-295
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• 2017

The Philippines in 2016 showed the highest GDP growth rate among Southeast Asian countries, in spite of domestic and international turbulence caused by the war on drugs and unexpected foreign policies after Duterte's presidency. The social contexts and political dynamics behind 'Duterte phenomenon' have raised key questions and issues to other countries including Korea, as to democracy and politics in current neoliberal challenges. The Philippines' choices for independent foreign policy and challenges against existing hegemony would continue to draw attention, particularly on whether this would end in an experiment of a country or initiate an alternative power block among neighboring countries and ASEAN communities.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.27-52
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• 2011

The regions of Central Asia have each acquired an elevated strategic importance in the new security paradigm of post-September 1lth. Comprised of five states, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Central Asia's newly enhanced strategic importance stems from several other factors, ranging from trans-national threats posed by Islamic extremism, drug production and trafficking, to the geopolitical threats inherent in the region's location as a crossroads between Russia, Southwest Asia and China. Although the U.S. military presence in the region began before September 11th, the region became an important platform for the projection of U.S. military power against the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan. The analysis goes on to warn that 'with US troops already in place to varying extents in Central Asian states, it becomes particularly important to understand the faultlines, geography, and other challenges this part of the world presents'. The Kyrgyz military remains an embryonic force with a weak chain of command, the ground force built to Cold War standards, and an almost total lack of air capabilities. Training, discipline and desertion - at over 10 per cent, the highest among the Central Asian republics - continue to present major problems for the creation of combat-effective armed forces. Kyrgyzstan has a declared policy of national defence and independence without the use of non-conventional weapons. Kyrgyzstan participates in the regional security structures, such as the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) but, in security matters at least, it is dependent upon Russian support. The armed forces are poorly trained and ill-equipped to fulfil an effective counter-insurgency or counter-terrorist role. The task of rebuilding is much bigger, and so are the stakes - the integrity and sovereignty of the Kyrgyz state. Only democratization, the fight against corruption, reforms in the military and educational sectors and strategic initiatives promoting internal economic integration and national cohesion hold the key to Kyrgyzstan's lasting future

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.181-212
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• 2018

In 2017, the government of Duterte, in the second year of the ruling, more strongly promoted peace and order policies and expressed independent diplomacy as the chairman of ASEAN. He continued to fight against drugs and tried to increase his political legitimacy through the punishment for corrupt officials. He also declared martial law in the Mindanao region because of the dissolution of the Maute group, a Muslim terrorist organization, and strengthened counterterrorism cooperation externally. In addition, as to Communist militants, he took the initial reconciliation gesture and promoted peace negotiations, however, concluded the peace tide and started the suppression operation due to a series of bloodshed. He still has a strong drive in peace and order issues, backed up by high support rate, but it is becoming a factor of anxiety as the socioeconomically underprivileged and minority groups are increasingly alienated. As the chairman of ASEAN, Duterte has a certain distance from the United States, which is a firm ally, but has turned to increase familiarity with China and Russia, which can take substantial economic benefits. Through diversifying the external economic support and increase of tax revenue, the priority task was to establish the infrastructure. Although the Philippines, which has a high economic growth rate, has a strong expectation that it can establish a solid infrastructure, tax reforms should be successfully completed in order not to repeat the previous failures, which has traditionally increased foreign debt burden by relying on external resources. It seems that it is necessary to find the meeting point of the foreign policy of Duterte and new Korean government's New Southern Policy, and to find possible economic cooperation policies to improve Philippine infrastructure.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.9
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• pp.218-226
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• 2014

China has become a G-2 Superpower country as result of rapid economic growth through the reform and opening-up in these days. It expressed its confidence by helding a few big international events, such as Bejing Olympic Games. Shanghai Expo. Though most Chinese people give their agreement and support to the government, there are serious, ill-concealed political problems behind the curtain in China. As a multi-ethnic nation, China has repeated experience of fragmentation and integration of various ethnic groups through her long history. In spite of top-level political leaders of communist party always concern the issues of separatism very sensitively, China has suffered occasional bloodshed terrorism because of erupting ethnic and religious conflicts. Especially there are many disruption and fear due to the bloodshed and terrorism by a minority race-seperatists of Uighur tribe in Xinjiang province. The Uighur in Xinjiang province is very different from major Chinese Han ethnically and culturally. Although Chinese government has presented various policies in order to suppress the Uighus's desire for seperation, they have not been able to offer a fundamental, satisfying solution. Because we, Korean people face the expansion of possibility of conflicts, such as increasing of foreign workers, multi-cultural families and extremists. At this point, I believe we can learn valuable lessons from Chinese experiences for anti-terrorism.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.8
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• pp.338-349
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• 2020

This study was conducted to find ways to expand investment and seek cooperation measure in Cambodia. It is located on the Indochina Peninsula in East Asia, and has historically suffered a lot from social systems and politics. It is a politically constitutional monarchy and shows a neutral tendency in the form of a non-alliance of pro-Westernism. Cambodia recently recorded a high growth rate due to the economic liberalization promoted since the mid-1980s. It is also emerging as the next generation production base in Southeast Asia. The diplomatic relationship, which had been temporarily suspended with Korea, was resumed in 1997. Since then, it has been conducting mutual trade and exchange. Therefore, this study which is as unfamiliar and infrequent looked at Cambodia's economy, trade trends and support plan. In addition, various development possibilities were considered. In particular, in-depth research was conducted on local entry methods and participating projects. First of all, it was devised various ways to expand investment and human exchange, diversify public-private relations, and enter the logistics, distribution, and infrastructure projects directly. As such, this study was developed to serve as a basis for contributing to a part of the research on Cambodian economy and trade in the future.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.1-32
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• 2013

Economic sanctions and inducements are types of 'policy instruments' based on 'economic tools' to influence other international actors. Ongoing debates on sanctions and inducements have exposed drawbacks for relying on individual case studies. There are some studies in the literature that attempt theoretical analysis of sanctions and inducements, but they are mostly based on rational choice theory. In reality, however, there exist so many cases that cannot be explained by rational choice theory. These are called anomalies or exceptions. The literature introduces specific variables to interpret these anomalies and thus sacrifice the universality of the theory. From this point of view, prospect theory would present an effective tool to analyze economic sanctions and inducements. It is a behavioral economic theory that tries to model a decisions making process in reality. The theory says that people make decisions based on subjective value of losses and gains from an individual reference point, and that people evaluate these losses and gains using heuristics. Thus prospect theory could offer a different frame which has greater explanatory range without adding new variables. As a result of this study, target's losses of 'back down' towards economic sanctions loom larger when the reference point level increases, therefore, the effectiveness of sanctions decreases. However, target's losses of 'stand firm' towards economic inducements loom larger under the same condition of reference point, therefore, the effectiveness of inducements increases. The findings of the paper suggest meaningful implications to the economic policy towards North Korea.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.338-344
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• 2021

Elements that threaten domestic security, such as diplomatic changes in the four major powers surrounding the Korean Peninsula and restrictions on supply and demand of parts due to COVID-19, are constantly increasing. The importance of localizing weapon systems has grown to respond proactively to the threat. As localization is not conducted evenly by the field, it is necessary to change the criteria for selecting localization targets. Establishing standards for selecting targets is difficult due to a lack of research to identify targets. This paper emphasized that the smooth supply of parts from overseas should be examined to identify targets for localization. If suppliers are not distributed evenly in the market, there is a risk of potential supply problems. CRk and HHI, representing the market structure, were proposed as indicators for evaluating the degree of smoothness quantitatively. Among them, CRk is used in Korea to check the market concentration, but there is a limit in the subjectivity of the evaluator, so it cannot be applied without a separate study on the market structure. Therefore, HHI should be applied.