• 동북아역사논총
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• no.59
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• pp.150-186
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• 2018

This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.

• 대학교육
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• s.72
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• pp.86-93
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• 1994

역사상 지식인과 국가권력을 포함한 모든 권력과의 갈등은 결국 이러한 권력이 허용하는 자유의 한계를 확장하려는 움직임이었고, 이렇게 볼 때에 지식인과 국가권력을 위시한 모든 형태의 권력 사이에는 결국 긴장이 놓여질 수밖에 없다. 이러한 지식인과 국가권력의 불편한 관계는 국가와 사회의 이분법을 극복하였다고 하는 현실 사회주의에서도 예외는 아니었다. 그러나 지식인과 국가 사이에 적당한 긴장관계가 나타나고 있는것은 오히려 그 사회가 건강하다는 징표로 삼을 수 있는 것이지, 어느 사회에 지식인과 국가 사이에 완전한 조화가 이루어졌다고 주장하는 것은 그 사회의 진정한 성격에 관해서 의심하지 않을 수 없게 만드는 것이다.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.737-742
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• 2023

This paper attempts to analyze how Paris was transformed by Haussman through comparing flaneurs in works by Balzac and Baudelaire. In both writers' works, flâneurs as the emblems of modernity observe Paris, especially architecture. Although representative of modernity, they are ambivalently obsessed with the heritage of the past. Balzac's The Wrong Side of Paris, Godefroid as a male bourgeois, is a flaneur observing antiquated architectures, the heritage of past. In Baudelaire's "The Swan for Victor Hugo" the flaneur passing through the modern Caroussel feels the Old Paris is gone. In "Parisian Dream," illusionary Paris exhibits metopolitan imagery wrought by capitalism led by Napoleon the third. The difference between the two writers demonstrate how Paris was changed by modernity.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.47
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• pp.50-73
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• 2009

A tendency to ignore the existence of public space in Korea under the Japanese colonial period seems to be driven from nationalist historiography in which all historical events under the colonial power have to be interpreted in terms of militant controls and resistances against them. Historical approach to mass media of that period has lasted to be saturated with the tendency and forced history students to stick to the nationalist guidelines. Struggles against Japanese imperial power by national-capital-operated newspaper have been a main menu of studies on the period's communication. The media were often hailed as fighting the colonial power for nation's independence. The present thesis aims to criticize the nationalist point of view and to reveal that nationalist interpretations may miss a variety of historical information. Even under the severe surveillance of colonial police some journalists tried either to inform officially or to smuggle into informed groups. The colonized society could experienced fields of public-ness throughout the practices of such as media fields, cultural fields, political fields. Those fields, of course, didn't come from the graceful favor of the colonial power but from the construction of the colonized. The public-ness seemed to be born for the easiness of control, but became later a constructed field of public-ness with which the colonized semiotically wrestled the power and grew a modern type of political (un)consciousness. Depicting what happened just before 815 liberation day in Korea the present paper showed that the less nationalist historiography can render help to those seeking political practices of the colonized in a micro-level.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.69-97
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• 2021

'Déconstruction' is a system of thought that induces the emergent property that characterizes contemporary philosophy. The tradition of ancient Greek philosophy evolved over and over again, giving rise to the Renaissance and Enlightenment. It seemed to have reached its end under the historical perspective of modernity. However, contemporary philosophy wanted to see more possibilities through the deconstruction of modern philosophy. If modern philosophy dreams of a strange cohabitation between God and man with the humanistic completion of Plato's philosophy, modern philosophy rejects even that through deconstruction. Although Plato's classical metaphysics is a stable system centered around the absolute, it is ultimately based on God and religion. Under that system, human autonomy is only the autonomy bestowed by God. Contemporary philosophy is one of the results of efforts that try to begin philosophy from the original human voice through deconstruction. Instead of epistemology dependent on metaphysics, they wanted to establish epistemology from human existence and realize the best good that would set humans free through deconstruction. As such, it is no mistake to say that deconstruction is also an extension of the modern topic of human freedom. Deconstruction and human freedom act as one body in that the two cannot be separated from each other. Oddly enough, Daesoon Thought, which seems to have religious faith and traditional conservatism as main characteristics, has an emergent property that encompasses modern and contemporary times. The period of Korea, when Kang Jeungsan was active and founded Daesoon Thought, has an important meaning for those who have a keen view of history. Such individuals likely think that they have found a valuable treasure. This is because that period was a time when ideological activities were conducted due to an intense desire to discover the meaning of human freedom and envision a new world without copying the ways of the West. Instead they looked to face internal problems and raise people's awareness through subjectivity. In other words, the subtle ideas created by Korea's self-sustaining liberalism often take the form of what is commonly called new religions in modern times. Among these new religions, Daesoon Thought, as a Chamdonghak (true Eastern Learning), aims to spread a particular modern value beyond modern times through the concept of Haewon (the resolution of grievances) that was proclaimed by Jeungsan. The Haewon espoused in Daesoon Thought is in line with the disbandment of modern philosophy in that it contains modernity beyond modern times. First, Haewon means to resolve the fundamental resentment of human existence, which arose from Danju's grievance. Secondly, Haewon in Daesoon Thought encompasses the Haewon of the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity centers on a Haewon-esque style of existence called Injon (Human Nobility). Haewon in Daesoon Thought can be understood in the same context as Derrida's philosophy of Deconstruction. Modern deconstruction attempts to expose the invisible structures and bonds within human society and attempt to destroy them. In a similar way, Haewon endeavors to resolve the conflicts among the Three Realms by releasing the bonds of fundamental oppression that hinder the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.76
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• pp.305-329
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• 2010

The problem of freedom is inseparably related to human life. It makes this not to be regarded as a problem restricted to the professional domain of ethics. It suggests rather that the problem of freedom is intimately connected with the philosophical groundwork for discussing the future direction of society, culture and science, and its regulative idea, a philosophical discussion which comes up inevitably with various social, economic and political problems, and problems related to the spirit of law. In this view, when we want to explain the problem of freedom as a fundamental one in reference to future direction of humanities and to find out a solution to this, our research only in accordance with the approach of history of philosophy runs into difficulties. The reason is that the problem of freedom has nowness together with historicity. Finding this problem to be a present one in our concrete human life, we can discuss it more meaningful under the methodological frame changed and developed by philosophical reflections since the modern age. And here I think a culturalistic approach reinterpreting hermeneutic insight and pragmatistic context methodologically can provide a pertinent clue for a theoretical work to investigate the problem of freedom and to find a solution to that because this approach considers historicity and nowness. For this purpose analysing truth intersubjectively and understanding freedom critically, this article tries to reconstruct symbolic interpretation and the concept of self constructed in community of language and action as a cultural horizon of freedom.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.123
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• pp.57-86
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• 2012

Many contemporary philosophers argue that modern philosophy is only the philosophy being imprisoned in subject and consciousness without communicating other subjects with language. They criticize that it is solipsistic. Today, those who are taking part in the communication theory, hermeneutics, and de-constructivism are trying to overcome this problem. The practical philosophers, especially those who advocate communintarianism criticize that modern libertarianism is not free from the isolated autonomy and breaks the solidarity of the traditional community with treating formally others. They criticize Kant's philosophy in the same way. But it is unreasonable. Because Kant was not the philosopher who pursued the same philosophy of subjectivity and liberalism as the earlier modern philosophers pursued. He tried to criticize its limits and overcome them. Especially he did not remain within the modern subjectivity, but rather tried to come up with the inter-subjectivity communicating between subjects. He showed this side through the 'sensus communis'. He thought of a judgement of taste as an effect resulting from the free play between imagination and understanding, and postulated the 'sensus communis' as a ground of the universal validity of this judgement. Therefore this 'sensus communis' is the subjective principle of a judgement of taste. Furthermore, he did not treat this 'sensus communis' merely as a self-relation of a subject, but rather developed it into an communicative relation among subjects. This position of Kant enables us to seek the harmony between the aesthetic sphere and social-moral sphere, and to overcome the conflicts between the autonomy of the liberalism and the solidarity of the communitarianism. Especially, his 'sensus communis' can be developed into the 'critical hermeneutics' and the 'relational autonomy'. Therefore his 'sensus communis' has the possibility to overcome the negative points of the traditional community and the modern community, and to overcome the conflicts among the isolated selves occurring in today's society. Hence Kant's 'sensus communis' has still the important values in the contemporary philosophy, especially in the practical philosophy being now discussed over the relation between autonomy and solidarity.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.161-189
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• 2011

This thesis aims to examine the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism, which was actively debated post-1990's in the West. The paper will focus on the concepts of morality and ethics of Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" in order to connect the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism to our society's political reality. Specifically, through the introduction of Hegel's point of view, this paper will shed new light co the concept of communitarianism, which was viewed from the perspective of political philosophy within the West post-1990's. Through "Philosophy of Law," Hegel imbues a critical and fundamental meaning to modern ethical-political order. For Hegel, Kant's acceptance of morality has a foundational and compositional meaning for the concepts of law and nation. This paper will discuss this topic within the boundaries of Hegel's morality and ethics and regard this as a chance to look back on our political situation with a regretful introspection. International and national reviewers tend to regard the various perspectives of Hegel's philosophy of law as inspirational. However, it seems that the fundamental introspection of why our reality must adhere to his philosophy is lacking. Based on this concern, the paper aims to examine Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" to apply his perspectives to our political reality for a fundamental self-evaluation.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.381-414
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• 2014

This paper aims to elaborate on the foundation of the colonialism, which comes from Natural Laws by John Locke and the extermination of the indigenous. John Locke develops his political doctrines considering Natural Laws as the logical, metaphysical supposition. He assumes Natural Laws to be the logical presupposition, but is interested in North America. This is evidently seen in his works according to research outcomes. His 'possessive individualism' discusses exclusion and extermination, on the bound of natural laws and natural state. The person without possessive rights is excluded, the people without effective farming is forfeited. Then acculturation is the justifying of slavery and suggestive of extermination. In the possessive individualism of bourgeois society, that is, private property, man is annulled aboard. That is colonialism comes from, which destroys all the cultures but its own cultures. It is Locke who is the first thinker of the imperial. In the thought of Locke found we in profane terminology projected for the world imperial. After Locke, colonialism has been appeared in the guise of racism in the eighteen century, especially in the universal history of system of philosophy, sometimes in the face of orientalism on all sides. The ideas of colonialism and imperialism have been absolutely for the West. In the totally administered society nowadays, the hope of redemption has been made impossible from the origin. From the beneath, operated and practiced the program of deletion of race, its ethnic cleansing is a mere case. Locke's thought for the human rights is consisted of property and freedom in mankind, but it ground baits for its bloodied symposium with words and consults. 'Our word is our weapon', this is wording of one ethnic that is in nearing extermination.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.679-700
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• 2012

This study aims to examine Mark Twain's criticism of American capitalistic ideals in the late nineteenth century. During this second industrial revolution, industry showed rapid growth and capitalism established an order, while America suffered under the monopolization of capitalistic conglomerates. This resulted in the widening gap between the rich and the poor and the dehumanization caused by rapid industrialization. In A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur's Court, Hank Morgan, the protagonist--who represents nineteenth-century America's industrialism, individualism, and capitalism--is sent back in time to the sixth century of Arthurian England. Hank attempts to introduce nineteenth-century technologies and machines to build a capitalistic system in the middle ages. However, Hank's efforts lead to disaster in which the country and civilization he worked to build is completely destroyed. Although Twain does not deny capitalistic ideals, he criticizes the "governmentality" that operates Hank's reform system to the extreme. Hank values efficiency and utilizes human beings as capital. Hank's economic reason not only transforms the Round-Table knights into speculators but also transforms their religious acts and abstract ideals into moneymaking businesses. The destructive ending anticipates the World Wars and the Great Depression in the first half of twentieth century and even serves to predict the dangers that follow.