• Title/Summary/Keyword: 자가 사정

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A Study on the Memory of the Korean War and the Representation of the Play-Focused on Shin Myung-soon's (한국 전쟁에 대한 기억과 연극의 재현 양상 -신명순의 <증인>을 중심으로)

  • Kim, Tae-hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.43
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    • pp.145-172
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    • 2021
  • Shin Myung-soon's is based on the taboo 'bombing of the Han River Bridge'. The reality of the bombing of the Han River Bridge in 1950 and the shooting of Colonel Choi Chang-sik was known only as a word of mouth. At that time, the ruling class did not want to reveal the painful mistakes of the unfavorable war situation in the early days of the war and the false broadcasting of the president. The truth of the case, which was kept completely secret even to the bereaved family, could only be revealed after the regime change. After that, the bereaved family of Colonel Choi Chang-sik confirmed the innocence of the deceased through a request for retrial, and then the was born. However, the fate of was not so smooth. At the time, the performance officials vividly remember the difficulties they had with the text. Despite passing the pre-screening of the script, the performance was canceled just before the performance. The fact that the National Theater, officials from the Ministry of Culture and Education, and even military generals visited the practice room to stop the performance, on the contrary, was a testimony to the dangers of . It can be summarized as a crack in official history and a move to stop it. was later adapted into a special TV drama in 1981 and was first released to the public. This was a very meaningful step in terms of dealing with politically sensitive subjects on television, but the inconsistency of in the first place has largely disappeared. After that, in 1988, only after democracy entered the phase of appeasement, could be performed in its full form. In short, can be said to be an example of a process in which the history of the Korean War recorded from the standpoint of an established order and the counter-memory that crack it up are transformed according to the changes of the times and media.

A Study on the Natural Landscape System and Space Organization of Musudong Village's Yuhoidang Garden(Hageohwon) (무수동 유회당 원림(하거원(何去園))의 산수체계와 공간구성)

  • Shin, Sang-Sup;Kim, Hyun-Wuk;Kang, Hyun-Min
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.106-115
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    • 2011
  • This study, based on (edited in 18th century), analysed the landscape system and cultural landscape elements of Yuhoidang(Hageowon 何去園) Garden in Musu-dong, Daejeon, and the findings are as in the following. YuHoidang(Gwon Yijin 權以鎭) managed Hageowon Garden in Musu-dong, located on the southern branch of Mt. Bomun, to realize his utopia. The completion of Hageowon Garden was only possible due to his installation of a variety of facilities in family gravesite on the hill behind his house: Shimyoso(Samgeunjeongsa 三近精舍, in 1707), Naboji(納汚池, in 1713), Banhwanwon(in 1714) and expended exterior space(in 1727). With regard to the landscape system of the village, the main range of mountains consists of Mt. Daedun, Mt. Odae and Mt. Bomun. The main high mountain of the three is Mt. Bomun, where 'Blue Dragon' hill branches off on the east side(Eungbong), 'White Tiger' in the west(Cheongeun and Sajeong) and Ansan(inner mountain) in the south. The landscape system is featured by 'mountains in back and rivers in front'. The river in the south-west, with its source in Mt. Juryun is called as the 'Stream of outer perfect spot', while the 'Stream of inner perfect spot' rises from Eungbong, passing through the east part of the village into the south-western direction. Banhwanwon Garden(盤桓園) was created with the stream in the east and natural bedrocks, and its landscape elements includes Naboji, Hwalsudam, Gosudae, Sumi Waterfall, Dogyeong(path of peach trees), Odeeokdae(platform with persimmon trees), Maeryong(Japanese apricot tree), springs and observatories. An expanded version of Banhwanwon was Hageowon garden, where a series of 'water-trees-stone' including streams, four ponds, five observation platforms, three bamboo forests and Chukgyeongwon(縮景園) of an artificial hill gives the origin forest a scenic atmosphere. When it comes to semantics landscape elements, there are (1) Yuhoidang to cherish the memory of a deceased parents, (2) Naboji for family unification, (3) Gosudae to keep fidelity, (4) Odeokdae to collect virtue and wisdom, (5) Sumi Waterfall to aspire to be a man of noble character, (6) Yocheondae for auspicious life, (7) Sumanheon and Gigungjae to be in pursuit of hermitic life, (8) Hwalsudam for development of family and study, (9) Mongjeong to repay favor of ancestors, (10) Seokgasan, a symbol of secluded life, (11) Hageowon to enjoy guarding graves in retired life. The spatial composition of Hageowon was realized through (1) Yuhoidang's inside gardens(Naboji, Jucheondang, Odeokdae, Dogyeong, Back yard garden and others) (2) Sumanheon(收漫軒) Byeolup or Yuhoidang's back yard gardens (Seokyeonji, Yocheondae, Sumanheon, Baegyeongdae, Amseokwon and others) (3) Chukgyeongwon of the artificial hill(which is also the east garden of Sumanheon, being composed of Hwalsudam, Sumi Waterfall and Gasan or 12 mountaintops) (4) the scenic spots for unifying Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism are Cemetry garden in the back hill of the village, the temple of Yeogyeongam, Sansinkak(ancestral ritual place of folk religion) and Geoeopjae(family school). On top of that, Chagyeongwon Garden(借景園) commands a panoramic distant view of nature's changing beauty through the seasons.

AN EXPLORATORY STUDY TO DETERMINE HOW ADOLESCENT STUDENT NURSES VIEW PEDIATRIC NURSING EXPERIENCE AS STRESSFUL SITUATION (소아과 간호학 실습시에 느끼는 성년기 간호학생들의 긴장감에 대한 실험적 연구)

  • Oh, Kasil
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.4 no.3
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    • pp.33-56
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    • 1974
  • 간호를 장래의 전문직으로 택하려고 공부하는 간호학생들은 완전한 성인으로서의 발달 과정중 후기 성년기에 속한다. 이시기는 자아를 발견하고 인간이 무엇을 믿으며 인간의 가치가 무엇인가를 추구하는 중요한 시기이다. 다시 말해서 어른과 어린이의 과도기에 서서 자신의 이상적 가치와 기성사회의 기존 가치를 잘 융화시켜 독립된 인간으로서 성숙하려는 노력의 시기이다. 그러므로 성년기의 갈등은 인생의 어느 시기보다도 그 정도가 심하게 나타난다. 간호학생들은 이상의 일반적인 성년기 발달의 요구 외에도 간호대학이라는 특수한 배움의 여건 때문에 좀 더 심각한 문제에 대두된다. 특히 소아과 간호대학이라는 실습환경은 여러 가지 복잡한 병실 사정으로 많은 긴장감을 주는 학습경험이다. 어린이의 간호에는 그들의 발달과정에 따른 다양한 역활이 요구된다. 또한 병원이라는 낯선 환경과 어머니를 떨어져야하는 두려움으로 불안한 어린이와 그 어린이의 불안과 두려움으로 인해 우울과 죄의식에 있는 어머니의 간호는 여러 면에서 성년기 학생들에게 긴장감을 일으키게 하는 요인이 된다. 본 연구의 문헌조사는 주로 미국 문헌에 나타난 간호 대학생들의 성년기 성숙을 위한 발달의 요구와, 소아병실의 복잡한 여건으로 발생되는 긴장감을 다루고 있다. 문헌을 기초로 하여 저자는 긴장감을 주는 간호활동을 크게 다섯 부군으로 묶었다. 1. 어린이 환자의 신체적 간호, 2. 어린이 환자나 부모와의 원만한 대화와 상호관계를 위한 간호활동 3. 소아병실에서 요구되는 다양한 간호원의 역활 4. 어린이나 부모의 간호에 대한 의뢰심 5. 간호의 가치나 이상적 간호. 연구방법으로는 49개의 폐쇄식 질문 항목을 가진 질문지를 사용하였다. 질문 항목들은 문헌연구에서 소아과 간호학 실습시 학생들이 긴장감을 느낀다고 밝혀진 내용들이 다. 학생들은 자신의 경험을 "긴장감이 없었다. ""긴장감이 있었다. ""심한 긴장감이 있었다. ""실습 중 경험이 없었다. "의 사항 중 택일을 하게 되어 있다. 연구대상으로는 모 대학교 간호대학 학생으로 산부인과 간호학 실습을 마친 후 소아과 간호학 실습 8주를 완료한 4학년 학생 42명이었다. 자료분석의 결과는 대부분의 학생들에게 소아과 간호학 실습은 긴장감을 주는 경험이 있다고 나타났다. 다음은 연구결과 주목할만한 몇 가지 사항들이다. 1. 어린이 환자의 신체적 간호는 성년기 학생들에게 긴장감을 주는 실습 경험이었다. 특별히 심하게 긴장감을 주었던 간호활동은 어린이환자의 상태가 중한 경우로, 장기간 앓는 아이, 선천성 기형이 있는 아이, 회복이 불가능하여 죽게될 아이나 사망하는 경우의 어린이 간호였다. 이 결과는 간호학의 기본과정 즉, 기초간호학이나 내 외과 간호학 실습만으로 소아과 간호학 실습을 위한 충분한 준비가 되지 못한다는 것을 뜻 할 수도 있다. 한편, 문헌연구에서 밝힌바와 같이 어리고 연약해 보이는 어린이들의 신체조건이 학생들의 간호활동을 어렵게 하는 경우도 될 수 있겠다. 2. 간호학생들의 어린이 환자와의 대화나 원만한 인간관계에서의 긴장감은 이 연구결과로 평가나 제언이 힘들다. 조사결과에서 학생들은 주로 어린이의 상태가 좋지 않은 경우에 심한 긴장감을 가졌고 일반적인 간호의 경우에는 별로 긴장감이 없었다. 이것은 질병의 상태나 화제, 이야기 할 때의 상황에 따라 긴장감의 여부가 달라질 수 있다는 결론이 되겠다. 3. 소아병실에서의 다양한 역활을 수행하는 것은 비교적 긴장감이 많이 생기는 간호활동으로 나타났다. 그러나 재미있는 사실은 학생들이 간호원으로서의 전문가적인 입장에서, 환자나 보호자를 가르칠때는 별로 문제가 없었으나 어린이 기르는 방법이나 어린이 이해면에서 좀 더 잘 안다고 생각되는 어머니가 지켜 볼때의 어린이 간호에는 긴장감을 가진다는 사실이다. 이것은 Jewett의 연구에서 밝힌바와는 상반되는 결과다. 그의 연구에서 학설들은 부모나 어머니들에 의해 전문가로서 인정받고 기대되는 경우가 제일 어려운 경험이 있다고 밝혔다. 4. 어린이 환자나 그들 부모의 간호에 대한 의뢰심은 학생들에게 심한 긴장감을 주는 경험이 있다. 특히 신체적 간호에 대해 의뢰하는 경우에는 더 심한 긴장감을 준다고 표현한다. 일반적으로 부모가 병실에 상주하는 경우에는 그들의 의뢰심이 심하며 이것은 학생들에게 감당하기 힘든 긴장과 어려움을 주게된다. 왜냐하면 성년기의 학생들은 그들 자신이 먼저 타인에게서 이해받기를 원하며 또 관용을 베풀어주기를 원하는데 그것을 남에게 주어야 하는 입장은 학생들을 긴장되게 하는 실습활동인 것이다. 5. 학생들은 그들이 배운 간호의 이상이나 가치가 실습지에서의 여러 경우와 맞지 않는 것을 보았을 때 극심한 긴장감을 갖는다고 밝혔다. 의사나 병원 행정의 사실이 자신의 이상과 맞지 않는다는 것보다는 간호원의 간호업무의 차이에서 더 비판적인 반응을 보였다. 대부분의 성년기 학생들은 그들의 이상적인 간호원상을 그들의 선배나 실무 간호원 중에서 찾으려는 시기에 그들의 간호활동이 이론과 다른 점이나 학생 자신의 소아과 간호의 가치와 다른 것을 보았을 때는 심한 반감과 긴장감을 갖게된다. 이 문제는 어린 사람이 윗 어른과 함께 동료의식을 갖고 일하기 어려운 한국적 사회구조 때문에 더 심하게 긴장감을 주는 경험인지도 모른다. 선배 간호원의 전문인으로서의 권위와 어린이 환자 보호자의 어른으로서의 권위 사이에서 자신의 이상과 가치의 추구는 용이하지 않으며 내적 갈등은 어쩔수 없는 일 일 것이다. 6. 대부분 높은 백분율의 긴장 반응은 죽음이나 환자의 사망에 관련된 간호활동 항목에서 나타났다. 이 연구의 대상 학생들은 2, 3학년에서 죽음에 대한 강의를 들었지만 이 연구 결과에 의하면 충분한 학습 경험이 주어진 것 같지 않다. 어떠한 경우의 죽음에라도 어린이 환자나 그 보호자들의 심리를 잘 이해하고 반응을 잘 관찰해서 적절한 간호를 해 줄 수 있는 다양한 방법의 학습 경험이 필요하다고 보겠다. 7. 학생들의 긴장도가 어린이 간호에 더 심한가, 보호자 간호에 더 심한가를 알기 위한 비교 결과는 비교적 비슷한 정도로 나타났다. 8. 학생들의 소아과 간호학 실습시의 긴장도는 과거의 병실 실습기간의 장, 단이나 가정에서의 어린인 간호의 경험과는 별 연관성이 없었다. 연구의 대상자가 적기 때문에 단정을 하기는 힘이 들지만 소아과 간호학 실습이 다른 병실의 실습과는 분리되어서 완전히 다르게 다루어 져야만 하며 간호교육자들의 주의 깊은 관심과 노력이 필요한 실습교육이 라 하겠다. 이상의 전반적인 고찰에 의하면 한국 성년기 간호학생들의 소아과 간호학 실습은 미국의 경우와 마찬가지로 긴장감을 주는 경험이다. 문화배경의 다른 점은 무시하고라도 Davis와 Oleson이 결론한 바와 같이 "간호대 학생은 어디를 막론하고 다 같은 성격과 문제를 가지고 있다. " 앞으로 보다 효과적인 학생들의 소아과 간호학 실습을 위한 연구를 위해 다음의 몇 가지를 본 연구의 결과를 가지고 제언한다. 1. 보다 여러 지역에서 다양한 교육 방법을 가진 학교의 학생을 대상으로 한 연구의 필요성. 2. 학생들이 실습 전 선입견이나 이미 들어서 생긴 긴장감의 개입 여부를 밝힐 수 있는 연구. 3. 학생 개인의 과거 경침이 긴장감 유발에 미치는 영향을 위한 연구 4. 이 연구의 결과를 입증할 수 있는 종단적 연구. 5. 이 연구에서 나타난 긴장감이 학습 행위에 미치는 영향을 알기 위한 관찰적 연구. 이 연구를 위해 많은 도움을 주셨던 보스턴대학의 Dr. Kennedy와 연세대학의 여러 선생님께 심심한 감사를 드립니다.

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The Status of North Korean Airspace after Reunification (북한 공역의 통일 후 지위)

  • Kwon, Chang-Young
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.32 no.1
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    • pp.287-325
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    • 2017
  • Considering the development of aerospace, military science and technology since the 20th century, the sky is very important for the nation's existence and prosperity. The proverb "Whosoever commands the space commands the world itself!" emphasizes the need for the command of the air. This essay is the first study on the status of airspace after reunification. First, the territorial airspace is over the territory and territorial sea, and its horizontal extent is determined by the territorial boundary lines. Acceptance of the present order is most reasonable, rather than attempting to reconfigure through historical truths about border issues, and it could be supported by neighboring countries in the reunification period. For peace in Northeast Asia, the reunified Korea needs to respect the existing border agreement between North Korea and China or Russia. However, the North Korean straight baselines established in the East Sea and the Yellow Sea should be discarded because they are not available under United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It is desirable for the reunified Korea to redefine the straight baselines that comply with international law and determine the territorial waters up to and including the 12-nautical mile outside it. Second, the Flight Information Region (hereinafter "FIR") is a region defined by the International Civil Aviation Organization (hereinafter "ICAO") in order to provide information necessary for the safe and efficient flight of aircraft and the search and rescue of aircraft. At present, Korea is divided into Incheon FIR which is under the jurisdiction of South Korea and Pyongyang FIR which is under the jurisdiction of North Korea. If North Korea can not temporarily exercise control of Pyongyang FIR due to a sudden change of circumstances, it is desirable for South Korea to exercise control of Pyongyang FIR, and if it is unavoidable, ICAO should temporarily exercise it. In reunified Korea, it is desirable to abolish Pyongyang FIR and integrate it into Incheon FIR with the approval of ICAO, considering systematic management and control of FIR, establishment of route, and efficiency of management. Third, the Air Defense Identification Zone (hereinafter "ADIZ") is a zone that requires easy identification, positioning, and control of aircraft for national security purposes, and is set up unilaterally by the country concerned. The US unilaterally established the Korea Air Defense Identification Area (KADIZ) by the Declaration of Commitment on March 22, 1951. The Ministry of Defense proclaimed a new KADIZ which extended to the area including IEODO on December 13, 2013. At present, North Korea's military warning zone is set only at maritime boundaries such as the East Sea and the Yellow Sea. But in view of its lack of function as ADIZ in relations with China and Russia, the reunified Korea has no obligation to succeed it. Since the depth of the Korean peninsula is short, it is necessary to set ADIZ boundary on the outskirts of the territorial airspace to achieve the original purpose of ADIZ. Therefore, KADIZ of the reunified Korea should be newly established by the boundary line that coincides with the Incheon FIR of the reunified Korea. However, if there is no buffer zone overlapping with or adjacent to the ADIZs of neighboring countries, military tensions may rise. Therefore, through bilateral negotiations for peace in Northeast Asia, a buffer zone is established between adjacent ADIZs.

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Efficacy and Safety of Early Bronchoscopy in Patients with Hemoptysis (객혈환자에서 조기기관지경의 유용성 몇 안정성)

  • Kim, Ho-Cheol;Cheon, Eun-Mee;Chung, Man-Pyo;Kim, Ho-Joong;Choi, Dong-Chull;Kwon, O-Jung;Rhee, Chong-H.;Han, Yong-Chol
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.44 no.2
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    • pp.391-400
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    • 1997
  • Background : Bronchoscopy is an essential procedure for identifying the bleeding site and evaluating cause of hemoptysis. However, it is controversial regarding to the timing of bronchoscopy in patients with hemoptysis. Early bronchoscopy, which was performed during hemoptysis or with 48hour after cessation of bleeding, was better for identifying the site of bleeding compared with delayed bronchoscopy, which was performed 48 hours after cessation of bleeding. The diagnostic yield of identifying the bleeding site by bronchoscopy was variable in reported literature and the safety of early bronchoscopy was not mentioned in previous literature. Therefore, we evaluated the efficacy and safety of early bronchoscopy in patients with hemoptysis. Method : From October 1994 to August 1996 in Samsung Medical Center, bronchoscopy was performed in patients with hemoptysis. Early bronchoscopy was performed prospectively during hemoptysis or within 48 hours after cessation of bleeding from May 1995 to August 1996. Delayed bronchoscopy group included patients who did not received early bronchoscopy at the same period or in whom bronchoscopy was performed 48 hour after cessation of bleeding from October 1994 to May 1995. Results : Early bronchoscopy group was performed 73 times in 71 patients. Delayed bronchoscopy was performed in 57 times in 55 patients. There was no difference as to amount and underlying cause of hemoptysis between both groups. Indentification of bleeding site by visualizing active bleeding was significantly higher in early bronchoscopy (38.3%) than delayed bronchoscopy group (8.7%)(p < 0.05). Indentification of bleeding site by bleeding after clot removal was 8 in early and 10 in delayed bronchoscopy. Indentification of bleeding site by visualizing active bleeding and bleeding after clot removal was 36 in early and 15 patients in delayed bronchoscopy(p > 0.05). Causes of hemoptysis was found in 18 patients in early and 16 patients in delayed bronchoscopy group. patients who had early bronchoscopy underwent surgery. We diagnosed the site of bleeding in 4 patients preoperatively. In 3 patients we made a treatment plan promptly right after bronchoscopy. Among early bronchoscopy group, bleeding over 100cc during bronchoscopy occurred in 2 patients. In early bronchoscopy group there was no other major complication during bronchoscopy. Conclusion : In patients with hemoptysis, early bronchoscopy which performed within 48 hours after cessation of bleeding was more effective procedure for identifying the bleeding site than delayed bronchoscopy which was performed after 48 hour cessation of bleeding.

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Consideration on National Rituals and Folk Beliefs Found in 『Hajaeilgi』 (『하재일기』에 나타난 국가의례와 민간신앙 일고찰)

  • Song, Jae Yong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.69
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    • pp.349-371
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    • 2017
  • "Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

Supplementary Woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple: Focus on Supplementary Woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (해인사 고려대장경 보각판(補刻板) 연구 -『대반야바라밀다경』 보각판을 중심으로-)

  • Shin, Eunje;Park, Hyein
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.104-129
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    • 2020
  • Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.

Transforming the Wongaksa Bell[Buddhist Bell] to the Bosingak Bell[Court Bell]: An Example of the Debuddhismization during the Joseon Dynasty (원각사종(圓覺寺鐘)에서 보신각종(普信閣鍾)으로 -조선시대 탈불교화의 일례-)

  • Nam Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.102-142
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    • 2023
  • The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.