• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.33 no.5
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• pp.515-524
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of artificial disturbance by analyzing and comparing the survey data of the Yeongju dam located in Yeongju-si, Gyeongbuk before and after impoundment. We surveyed four sites between the downstream of sediment control to the downstream of Yeongju Dam four times between April and October 2018. The macroinvertebrate data before the survey were gathered from the literature. The total number of benthic macroinvertebrates we observed was $35,037ind./m^2$, including 77 species, 48 families, 14 orders, 7 classes, and 3 phyla. The result of the community analysis showed that the dominant index increased from 0.44(${\pm}0.11$) before impoundment to 0.62(${\pm}0.16$) after impoundment. The diversity index increased from 2.26(${\pm}0.30$) to 1.75(${\pm}0.45$), the evenness index from 0.75(${\pm}0.10$) to 0.66(${\pm}0.14$), and the richness index from 3.11(${\pm}0.98$) to 2.25(${\pm}0.81$). The most dominant species changed from Hydropsychidae spp. to Chironomidae sp. The result of the Principal Components Analysis (PCA) based on Axis 1 showed that the sites of 2014 and Hydropsychidae spp. had a negative value, while the sites of 2018 and Chironomidae sp. had a positive value. In all study sites, the dominance increased while the diversity decreased. The community change was the largest in St. 2. The results of the functional group analysis showed that the scrapers increased while gathering-collectors increased among the functional feeding group and that the clingers decreased while borrows increased among the habitat oriented group. The Benthic Macroinvertebrate Streambed Index (BMSI) decreased from an average of 57.1(${\pm}8.0$, C class) to an average of 30.0(${\pm}12.1$, C class). St. 3 and St. 4, in particular, showed a high reduction rate.

• Clean Technology
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.367-371
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• 2021

The oxy-combustion system is one of the carbon recovery and storage technologies (CCS: Carbon capture & storage) that performs coal combustion using pure oxygen and recirculated flue gas. This is a technology that facilitates storage of carbon dioxide by generating an exhaust gas consisting of only carbon dioxide without a process of separating carbon dioxide and nitrogen when coal is burned using pure oxygen and recirculated flue gas mixture instead of a conventional air combustion system that produces carbon dioxide and nitrogen mixed exhaust gas. In this study, the characteristics of generated NO and SO₂ as atmospheric pollutants during oxy-combustion were examined using O₂/CO₂ mixed simulation gas. The reaction temperature was varied from 900 ℃ to 1200 ℃ and oxygen partial pressure was varied from 30% to 50%. The results showed that NO and SO₂ concentrations in flue gas increased as the oxygen concentration and the reaction temperature in the furnace increased. The partial pressure of CO₂ in flue gas also increased as the oxygen concentration and the reaction temperature in the furnace increased. As a results of comparing NO production of 30% O₂/CO₂ oxy-combustion with air combustion, NO in flue gas increased with reaction temperature in both experiments and NO of oxy-combustion was 40 ~ 80 ppm lower than that of air combustion.

• Journal of the Korean Recycled Construction Resources Institute
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.537-544
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• 2021

In order to describe the fill-up stages of a near-surface disposal facility vault, a mock-up test is performed, and its behavior during the fil l -up stages is investigated. On an in-site concrete foundation with a l ength of 6600mm, a width of 6600mm and a thickness of 400mm, a reinforced concrete disposal vaul t is manufactured with 4 precast (PC) corner wal l s and 8 PC side wal l s. 36 wasted drums are pl aced on the 1st fl oor in 6 by 6, and then the empty space is fil l ed with grout fil l er. These processes are repeated up to the 5th floor, and the verticality and the joint gaps are measured for each fill-up stage. The verticality is measured using a level at 6 positions on each side wall (3 positions on the left and right sides, respectivel y), i.e. a total of 24 positions on the 4 side wal l s. The joint gaps are measured at 9 positions on each side wal l (3 positions on the left, center and right sides, respectively), I.e. a total 36 positions on the 4 side walls. To measure the joint gaps, crack tips are installed on the left and right sides of every joint gap, and vernier calipers are used. The measured verticality obtained through the mock-up test was found to be ±0.1° based on the initial stage (ST0), and the result of the joint gap was up to 0.38mm. This appears to have a negligible effect on the structure.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.1-22
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• 2014

Columns 12-18 record a conversation between an aged Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong concerning the Changes and especially the role of divination in its use. The last section, from the bottom of column 24, concerns the hexagrams Sun損, "Decrease," and Yi益, "Increase," which Confucius is here made to regard as the culmination of wisdom in the Zhouyi. The conversation between Confucius and Zi Gong, and especially Zi Gong's apparent misunderstanding of Confucius's interest in the text, has already attracted considerable scholarly interest. Zi Gong criticizes Confucius for changing his teaching about the importance of the Zhouyi and for performing divinations. Confucius responds that while he does indeed perform divinations. there is a major difference between his use of the text and that of others: he regards the I Ching as a repository of an ancient wisdom. This would seem to signal recognition of a dramatic change in the function and status of the text. Zi Gong said: "Does the Master also believe in milfoil divination?" The Master said: "I am right in only seventy out of one hundred prognostications. Even with the prognostications of Liangshan of Zhou one necessarily follows it most of the time and no more." The Master said: "As for the Changes, I do indeed put its prayers and divinations last, only observing its virtue and property. Intuiting the commendations to reach the number, and understanding the number to reach virtue, is to have humaneness and to put it into motion properly. If the commendation do not lead to the number, then merely acts as a magician; if the number does not lead to virtue, then one merely acts as a scribe. The divinations of scribes and magicians tend toward it but are not yet there; delight in it but are not correct. Perhaps it will be because of the Changes that sires of later generations will doubt me. I seek its virtue and nothing more. I am on the same road as the scribes and magicians but end up differently. The conduct of the gentleman's virtue is to seek blessings; that is why he sacrifices, but little; the righteousness of his humaneness is to seek auspiciousness; that is why he divines, but rarely. Do not the divinations of priest and magicians come last!" Although Confucius says two ways of the symbolic numbers and virtue-property, he emphasizes his way of virtue and property more important. In fact he who wrote in Yao 要, "essentials," Confucius's saying describes his own viewpoints of the Changes throughout the conversations between Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong, and is only to borrow the name of Confucius. Furthermore, quoting the original text in Yao 要, "essentials," in sequence, also comparing the materials of "the Analects of Confucius論語," with "the Shih chi史記," this thesis will be centered to a great extent on the relative similarity and differences between the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript and the received text, and discussed the authencity of Yao 要, "essentials," of the contents shown in the chapter of 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes."' the relation of Confucius and the Changes will be clarified naturally through this progress.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.435-463
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• 2017

This paper aims to identify the structural characteristics of Okawa Syumei(大川周明), Wakamiya Unosuke(若宮卯之助) and Okakura Tensin(岡倉天心). In fact, after Okawa Syumei studied the Principles of Wakamiya Unosuke and Okakura Tensin, he derived a conclusion and wrote a book named "yeolseongjeon". This book talks about the emperor dynasty. Based on this, the theory presented by Wakamiya Unosuke and Okakura Tensin described the characteristics of the East European culture. Okakura Tensin crossed the western part and discovered that western culture is only western culture and not a universal culture. Western culture has developed from its own experience. Wakamiya Unosuke translated a book by William Knox, The spirt of the orient. They have the same point of view, but they have a different culture and they must follow their own culture. Okakura Tensin insisted that culture is dynamic and it improves by adapting different cultures of different countries. Wakamiya appealed and he opposed Tensin's studies about culture. Wakamiya's definition of culture has not changed or is fixed from the past, which still exists in the modern times. Culture must be cultivated and it must be introduced to people who have forgotten their own culture. Despite such methodological differences, the commonality between Okakura and Wakamiya is that Western civilization is nothing more than a regional culture, as the West is not a universal civilization, but as a whole, it is a regional culture. Okawa Syumei learned the Okakura and Wakamiya's theory about culture and derived a conclusion. He stated that both opinions are correct as culture can be adapted as explained by Okakura. For example, Japanese people are now adapting and embracing the culture of Chinese people and Indian people. On the other hand, he also learned Wakamiya Unosuke's theory that culture does not change. Japanese have their own culture that was created in the past or it was developed by their ancestors; for example, the emperor dynasty. Okawa Syumei learned different cultures of different countries and Japanese people are adapting those cultures, and Wakamiya stated that the emperor dynasty must be instilled and it must be universal. Japanese emperors have different cultures, especially the Meiji emperor who is willing to accept different cultures of different countries. Finally, he claimed that the emperor dynasty created a new Japanese civilization and they are now embracing the new adapted culture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.32-45
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• 2014

In this study, the characteristics of Mongsimjae in Namwon-si, Jeollabuk-do have been researched focusing on the writings engraved in huge stones and rocks of pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and its formative languages in the garden has been interpreted as follows. Name of pavilion(堂號) Mongsimjae(夢心齋) includes a classical scholar's spirit, refusing to serve two kings and homecoming after resignation from a government office(歸去來) of Songam(松菴) Park Moonsu(朴門壽), an ancestor who has brought to the Juksan(竹山) Park's family again. A pavilion standing beside a lotus pond(蓮塘) built in the reception garden is a gardening facility symbolizing 'Yeondang(蓮堂)' Park Dongsik(朴東式) who built Mongsimjae. The bamboo hill connected to the backyard seems to be relevant to 'Juksan', the family clan of Mongsimjae's owner and this kinds of intention can be found in the bamboos in the outer garden naturally led to inside the garden through the flower beds. The purpose for the western arrangement of the main building and gate contrary to the 'chukjwamihyaug'(丑坐未向; a direction toward to the south-southwest) of the prospect of Sarangchae(guesthouse) is interpreted to naturally attract people's eyes to the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and to mitigate the sense of closure resulting from the huge stones located in the reception garden. Also the writing engraved in the three huge stones, 'Jonsimdae(存心臺)', implies that it is a place where was selected with heart by Juksan Park family who settled down in Homsil, Namwon after 'Haengchon(杏村) Park Jaryang(朴子良)' in Yiphyangjo(入鄕祖), Namwon and 'Jeongwa(靖窩)' is interpreted as a signature representing that it is the most comfortable house where Jeongwa Park Haechang(朴海昌: 1876~1933), the third owner of Mongsimjae, has lived. The pavilion standing beside a lotus pond of the 'Bangjibangdo(方池方島; square pond and square island)' type has no lotus for now and waterside cornerstones roughly piled with broken stones naturally mitigate the slope. There are two water inflows gathering rainwater in the reception garden other than the water inflow of valley and the upper-side water inflow was built using a high waterfall method. The middle island cut into a square was designed to use in two ways, as 'island' or 'steppingstone', according to the water level and the old name of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond was revealed as 'Cheonundam(天雲潭)' from the engraved writing located in the side of the middle island. In addition, 'Imni(臨履)', engraved writing in the finishing stone of waterside by citing a line of 'Sigyeong(詩經)', implies 'Be a upright classical scholar who pays close attention to one's own behaviors' and 'Jeongchuk(渟?)' is interpreted as a message that desires the eternal staying of the Juksan Park family's wealth. Ultimately, the writings engraved in the huge stones and rocks of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond are interpreted as a symbol language that wishes the heaven protects and maintains the wealth of the Juksan Park family who is the owner of Mongsimjae.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.355-382
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• 2017

In this study, pieces of statements of sinawi successors, which served the ground of sinawi theory of Lee(that are found only in reports and theses) were searched from notebooks or cassette tapes of Lee. Then, this study tried to trace the process that the theory of sinawi was established based on the fieldwork of sinawi and relevant data, and to shed light on the significance. With the understanding from the early days that life of minsokak can be found in musical scenes in the region, Lee wandered around the scenes of minsokak(folk music) in the nation, recorded minsokak, and collected dialogues with successors of minsokak with about 2,000 cassette tapes and 300 notebooks. Especially, in the fieldwork data on sinawi that Lee possesses contain dialogues with the newly found sinawi successors that Lee found in the scene of sinawi in Gyeonggido province, Jeollado province, and Gyeongsangdo province over numerous visits for over 20 years from the early 1970s. Sometimes the record includes improvised sinawi performance. As the fieldwork of sinawi by Lee was conducted comparatively early, there are a lot of testimonies of successors who remember the sinawi scene of the past. Using these data, Lee published theories related to sinawi on reports and theses. His representative thesis is about 'Sinawi Chung'(1979). After listening to the testimony of Younghee Ji, the master of Gyeonggi haegeum sinawi in his first fieldwork of sinawi, he started his research on sinawi chung of piri, daegeum, and haegeum in Gyeonggido province and Honam area. Based on the testimonies on sinawi chung of 11 sinawi successors, Lee published 'Sinawi Chung'. In 1987, he extended the scope his research to sinawi-kwon(圈), which includes Gyeongnam area, found 12 new sinawi successors in Gyeonggi, Honam, and Gyeongnam areas, and based on their testimonies, complemented the theory of sinawi chung and published it. Fortunately, most of the dialogues with sinawi successors quoted in his reports or theses are recorded in his notebooks or cassette tapes. When these data are released, it is expected that a new theory of sinawi or minsokak will be born.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.317-347
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• 2008

Huang Gan(1152 - 1220, pen-name Mian-zhai) was a famous scholar of Zhu-zi xue in the Southern Song period. Zhu-zi xue was also called Daoxue(道學), because it was based on the Cheng-Zhu xue(程朱學) and had very severe idea of Daotong(道統). Therefore, Zhu-zi xue emphasized practical movements of spreading Confucianism. The view of the Daotong(道統) developed in two aspects: protection of Confucianism and exclusion of Daoism Buddhism. Zhu Xi completed the idea of Daotong(道統), and his disciples, especially Huang Gan, continued his efforts. Zhu Xi's disciples searched the ultimate teaching of Confucianism through studying Four-books(四書). In due of their effort, Zhu-zi xue played a reading role in those academic fields. Huang Gan look upon himself as the successor to Zhu-zi xue. He expounded and missionized Zhu Xi's philosophical thought. In his later years, he accepted many students and passed the Zhu Xi's thought on to his students. He fostered "Jin-hua school(金華學派)"-He Ji(何基), the representative of this school. There is the relation of thought on the theory of knowledge and learning centering around Daotong between Huang Gan and Jin-hua school(金華學派). Especially, the most schools leading the academic society of Yuan period founded their thought on Huang Gan's. And it explained Huang Gan's historical influence and contributions to the Zhu-zi xue in the Yuan period.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.377-410
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• 2009

In the East Asian Confucianism society, Hakmun was aimed to bring human beings and nature into harmony, and to explore a unity between knowledge and conducts. For example, Neo-Confucianism aspired they could explain the human existence and society through a single concept of Iki(理氣, the basic principles and the atmospheric force of nature). In this philosophy, humanics and natural sciences had not been differentiated at all. The East-West cultural interchanges at the beginning of modernity caused a crack in the traditional academic concepts. Through the Hundred Days of Reform(變法自疆運動, a movement of Strenuous Efforts through Reforming the Law), the Western Affairs Movement(洋務運動) in China, Meiji Restoration(明治維新) in Japan, or Innovation Movements(開化運動) and the Patriotic Enlightenment Movement(愛國啓蒙運動) in Korea, the traditional meanings of Hakmun was degraded while it became a target of the criticism of the enlightenment movements. Accordingly, East Asians' perception of Hakmun rapidly began to change. Although there had been the Silhak(實學, practical science) movement in Korea, which tried to differentiate its conceptualization of Hakmun from that of Neo-Confucianism during the 18th and 19th century, the fundamental shift in meaning occurred with the influx of the modern Western culture. This change converted the ultimate objective of Hakmun as well as its methods and substances. The separation of humanics and natural sciences, rise in dignity of the technological sciences, and subdivision of learning into disciplines and their specialization were accelerated during the Korean enlightenment period. The inflow of the modern western science, humanized thought, and empiricism functioned as mediators in these phase and they caused an irreversible crack in the traditional academic thoughts. Confronting the western mode of knowledge, however, the East Asian intellectuals had to explain their new learning by using traditional terms and concepts; modification was unavoidable when they tried to explain the newly imported knowledge and concepts. This presentation focuses on the traditional concepts of 'gyeogchi'(格致, extending knowledge by investigating things) and 'gungni'(窮理, investigation of principles), pervasively used in philosophy, physics and many other fields of study. These concepts will mark the key point with which to trace changes of knowledge and to understand the way how the concept of Hakmun was converted into a modern one.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.185-215
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• 2018

This paper discusses the Historical significance of Li-thought at the Hoejae, Lee-Eonjeok's Bongseonjabui. In this study, I tried to derive the value and meaning in the history of the Chosun Dynasty by examining the comparison between the Bongseonjabui and Book of Ancestor-memorial Ceremonies written in the 16th century The following is a summary of the Historical significance of Li-thought of Bongseonjabui. First, it is the first concrete result of the Chosun Dynasty concerning the Family Rituals. Second, it is characterized not only the description of actual procedures but also the explanations of both the theory and reality in Ancestor-memorial Ceremony. Third, it is an example of harmonizing with the national system and the customs of time by applying to the situation of Chosun society at that time. Fourth, it is an example that focuses on the essential meaning of the Ancestor-memorial Ceremony, not the attitude of one side the Zhu Xi's Family Rituals as in the later books.