• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.117-155
• /
• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.13 no.3
• /
• pp.873-896
• /
• 2009

China's the resource diplomacy towards Africa as successful results that are difficult to find precedents even within the world's diplomatic community. These results was after having its first diplomatic contact with Africa, during the Bandung Conference of 1955, China supported the armed independence movement of each colony in Africa. These several material and immaterial ad and sacrifice continued for over half a century and they could be see as the products of the Cold War that was created. The importance of the argument, how did and international relation that began as an idea extend into the spheres of politics and economics, has resurfaced. With this objective, the purpose of this research is to understand the initial stages of Chinese versus African policies that started with the first official contact between China and Africa, centered on the 1995 Bandung Conference and the 1957 Afro-Asian People's Solidarity and Study the development of the ensuing relationship.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.5-33
• /
• 2019

This study aims to explore the implications of the 2019 European Parliament elections. Existing studies show that European elections serve as secondary elections dominated by domestic issues. However, the 2019 European elections have highlighted pan-European issues such as the Brexit negotiations and the rise of far-right populism, with voter turnout also rising sharply to 50.62%, which is the highest record since the 2000s. There was also a significant change in the number of parliamentary seats held by each political group. First, the European People's Party(EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats(S&D), which had hitherto led the European Parliament, failed to achieve a majority. Second, the number of seats won by Renew Europe, a new liberal-centrist group, was considerably high. Third, the far-right groups organized a full-fledged political force by rallying around the Identity and Democracy(ID) group. The rise of liberal-centrism can be explained as a reaction to the popularity of anti-European populism. Renew Europe's emphasis on open-market competition has created a different issue, especially since the center-left and center-right groups have stressed on the need for state intervention in employment, welfare, security and immigration control. Along with far-right populism, liberal centrism has also reshuffled Europe's political cleavage, and the conflict between 'liberalism' and 'protectionism' has become more evident in the European Parliament.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.23
• /
• pp.349-392
• /
• 2008

Modern Neo-Confucianism was formed as a school by solving the modern problems in China through accepting western philosophies with Chinese basic philosophies since New Cultural Movement. Marxism, Liberalism, and Modern Neo-Confucianism are called three representatives of Chinese modern philosophies. Since the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949, Modern Neo-Confucianists have tried to keep their philosophy and cultural conservatism in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Modern Neo-Confucianism which had been prohibited before 1978 was brought again to people's attention in the middle of 1980s by their active lectures and writings. Furthermore, the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism was supported by the Chinese government in 1987. China was trying to find the way to enhance Chinese tradition and to develop China to a modern society at the same time through the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism. The purpose of Modern Neo-Confucianism is to keep Chinese tradition which was broken off, to develop China to a modern society, to control the problems caused by capitalism socially, and ultimately to strengthen socialism in China in the political aspect. The study on Modern Neo-Confucianism in the 1980s focused on introducing, organizing, and understanding Modern Neo-Confucianism as its early stage. This study was led by Marxists with their methods and viewpoints. Even though the acceptance and understanding of Modern Neo-Confucianism was limited in a short period, the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism in the 1980s propagated Modern Neo-Confucianism. Modern Neo-Confucianism also played an important role to grow the argument about the critical succession of Chinese tradition and to reconsider the fact that modernization does not mean only westernization.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
• /
• v.18 no.4
• /
• pp.1011-1049
• /
• 2011

This study is mainly to investigate the influences of both Western's utopian socialism and cooperatives ideas on the process of China's rural cooperation from 1919(the occurrence of 5.4 movement) to 1958(the completion of People's commune). To accomplish this, first, we will discuss that how these two ideas emerged as an alternative to Western capitalism in the before/early 20th century were introduced into China and how these ideas effected on the process of the China's Communist Revolution. Then, we will review the process of China's rural cooperation during the 1950s' new socialist nation-building period since the foundation of New China(1949), the sharp debates about rural cooperation in the process of its realization, and the reasons of radically promoting rural cooperation in the late 1950s. Finally, through these debates and experiences regarding rural cooperation in rural China during 1919-1958, any implications in solving rural cooperation problems of contemporary China facing difficulties will be provided.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.16 no.5
• /
• pp.327-334
• /
• 2016

From the present perspective, North Korea overcame its crisis situation of the regime, the Arduous March. What was the driving force, enabling the regime to overcome the situation that could have been collapsed? This study intended to look into what strategy the North Korean government took to unite the social minds through its documentary films in the midst of the national crisis. The results of analysis are as follows. First, the documentary films emphasize that the people should become heroes in heroic fantasies. These films present the model cases, in which the people break through the hardships with their strong willpower, as an answer. Second, they mind the defeatism and encourage the triumphalism. They stress the importance of uniting collective minds as a breakthrough in overcoming the economic crisis. Third, they place an emphasis on creating the harmonized minds. They repeat the recovery of communistic morality, which has been emphasized up to date. Collective minds are eventually the outcome obtained from social experiences. North Korea stresses to convert the arduous march into the march to the paradise by the creation of collective minds through documentary films even in difficult realities.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.1
• /
• pp.21-51
• /
• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.1
• /
• pp.83-120
• /
• 2018

For Singapore, 2017 was an uneasy year. The presidential election was fraught with controversy since the revised Presidential Election Act allowed only one candidate to be eligible for the election. The bitter feud between Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his siblings shocked many Singaporeans. Succession planning for the next top leadership is still veiled in obscurity. The anti-globalization trend and the increasing pressure to raise the tax have become major challenges for Singapore's economy to overcome. China's continuous diplomatic pressure has called into the question Singapore's pragmatic foreign policy. Although its relations with China were back to normal, Singapore, the ASEAN chair in 2018, is still facing intractable problems in safeguarding ASEAN centrality in the growing US-China rivalry. In the meantime, Singapore has pursued its diversity and equality, heading toward a more matured multi-racial and multi-cultural society in 2017. The first female president, Halimah Yacob, served as a symbolic epitome of Singapore's emphasis on diversity and harmony among different ethnic groups and minorities. This great milestone, however, has largely been questioned by Singaporeans, as it seemed to be a political gesture that only utilized Halimah's double minority in the level of ideologies. The election of the Malay president has led Singaporeans to think about the real equity and equality among minorities, while strongly motivated to move toward a more inclusive society. In 2018, Singaporean leaders will try to resolve many challenging problems by reaffirming leadership succession planning, which is expected to lead Singapore to pursue a more integrated society.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
• /
• s.34
• /
• pp.197-217
• /
• 2014

The 1920s and 1930s ushered in "the golden age" of Chinese comics when the comics flourished. Satirical cartoons in modern Chinese comics were popular due to emotional instability and war caused by foreign powers. Among many popular comics, this paper analyzes in the 1920s and in the 1930s which were made into films and dramas. Chapter Two shows that China in the Republican era of China expanded its consumer culture into some sectors like films, novels, magazines and fashion in the 1920s and 1930s. However, more than any other things, this chapter considers from the historical perspective "the golden age" of comics including comic magazine in the 1930s and a history of comic magazines that gained popularity with conventional and common story. Chapter Three explains that social satire cartoons were in vogue since the May Fourth Movement and anti-imperialistic and semi-feudalistic stories in the 1920s were realized in life. It also says that comics that describes the negative sides of its society were popular. Ye QianYu, a cartoonist, portrayed many facets of Shanghai through : the daily life of the middle and lower classes, bureaucratic corruption and sympathy for the working class. drawn by Zhang LePing describes the unfair social system between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat and the gap between the rich and poor through the main character, the powerless and poor orphan. and lampooned the reality of its time in an objective, witty and humorous way in terms of ethics and economy respectively. The researcher chooses to study and which are very familiar to us, because good cartoons, animations and movies stimulate the feelings about our surroundings.