• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.53
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• pp.31-49
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• 2003

Neo-liberalism, the most influential ideology in the current world, argues for the commercialization of social security programs and for the dissolution of the interventionist welfare state. From the neo-liberal viewpoint, social services become more efficient and more advantageous for recipients, when provided by the market, not by the state. It is also argued that the welfare of all social members is best secured when the market freely operates without any interference from the state. From the neo-liberal point of view, an argument was raised to commercialize the state-administered Workers' Compensation program of Korea in the mid-1990s. This argument was faced with strong resistances from labor unions and social welfare circles, and has disappeared since the economic breakdown and the restructuring of Korean society during the late 1990s. Butr, such an argument can emerge anytime as the nee-liberal ideology become more powerful. This article aims to examine the neo-liberal argument that the privatization of social security programs, through an increases in efficiency, improves the interests of the recipients as well as the whole society. For this, this article attempts to analyze the Workers' Compensation programs of the USA, which, from state to state, are administered by the state government or by private insurance companies. This study can serve as an effective critique for the neo-liberal argument, if it finds that state-administered Workers' Compensation programs are more efficient than those managed by insurance companies. This article's another aim is to assess the controversies over the privatization of the Workers' Compensation program of Korea during the mid to late 1990s. The controversies were more about which viewpoint is right and, in most cases, lacked empirical evidence. This study shall empirically criticize the argument for the privatization of the Workers' Compensation program.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.269-281
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• 2016

This article problematizes and interrogates the idea of 'community' which is increasingly important in Korean urban policy-making. For the purpose, this article scrutinizes, and compares, how ordinary citizen participants and civil society activist organizations in a 'community garden' program of Seoul make sense of, utilize, and practice the policy concept. The neo-Faucauldian perspective of 'governmentality' is employed to understand the association between the community-focused policy program and neoliberalism, but Barnett's( 2005) call for 'bottom-up governmentality' is taken seriously in order to avoid any deterministic interpretation. On the basis of this eclectic perspective on governmentality, this article presents empirical findings that may suggest a contestation over community between ordinary citizens and civil society activists. More specifically, ordinary citizen participants prioritize place-based, on-the-ground community experiences that are built on common cultivation practices, whereas civil society activists tend to consider community garden as a teleological governmental technology generative of particular citizen subjects. Civic community garden advocacy as such aims to address social, economic, and spatial problems that neoliberalsim has produced, but it also appears to be in a close association with neoliberal urban policy. Thus, the community activism's meaningfulness lies in its active intervention to neoliberal urban policy, but a gap between ordinary practical achievements and civic activism can be a potential danger to urban community policy. On the basis of this discussion, this article asks more detailed investigations about the taken-for-granted positivity of urban community (re)vitalization programs, and also examinations on whether and how such projects generates emergent tensions between ordinary achievements and policy prescriptions.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.226-259
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• 2016

Drawing on the autonomist Marxist concepts of 'social factory', 'immaterial labour', and 'precarity', this paper discusses the changed nature of labour, life and social relations in contemporary informational capitalism. More specifically, it first traces back to the early autonomist (operasimo) theories of 'social factory' and 'class composition' and then discusses how these earlier theories were developed into the concept of 'immaterial labour' by a group of later autonomist theorists such as Paolo Virno, Maurizio Lazzarato, Micheal Hardt, and Antonio Negri. Then, it reviews how the concept of immaterial labour was taken up to understand the nature of labour in digital economy within the tradition of Cultural Studies, closely intersecting with the critiques of 'creative labour'. Finally, it discusses how the changed nature of labour is interrelated with the neoliberal labour forces transformations such as casualization of employment and increasing insecurity in employment and life, which the autonomist explores with the concept of 'precarity', the material condition of immaterial labour.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.465-471
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• 2017

This study examined the effects of neoliberal educational policy on the appointment system of teachers to assess the impacts of this neoliberal education policy. Neoliberal education policy has led to increased private education cost, and strengthened the function of social stratum reproduction in the education system despite increasing the efficiency and flexibility. Since contracted employment was applied to the educational field, the number of regular teachers began to decrease, while that of contracted teachers increased. For example, the number of contracted teachers was 300 in the 1990, which increased to 42,042 in 2015. Neoliberal education policy contributed to teacher's quantitative demand; however, the increase in the number of contracted teachers is ultimately degrading the education quality. In an education market, the issues of balancing between supply and demand often occur. Therefore, it is necessary to strongly control the number of contracted teachers by limiting their contract period. Furthermore, an institutional device that can convert a contracted teacher to a regular one must be established.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.137-152
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• 2015

The purpose of this research is to reveal the problems of the Western based development discourse, and to derive the future direction of postdevelopment as sustainable development. This study attempted to reveal the historical process of formation and change on development discourse. Development generally regarded as the overcome of underdevelopment, inducing the marginalization of the South as a place to follow the development model of the North. State based development discourse (Keynesian development discourse) focused on the growth by industrialization, and the supreme aim of the South was to overcome the underdevelopment. Neoliberalism development discourse emphasized on the market principle based on free competition which was recognized as the best way to provide development. However, neoliberalism discourse has been criticized for the concentration of power and inequality of class, causing on the consideration of postdevelopment because of its emphasis on growth rather than distribution and life value. This research revealed the ways of postdevelopment with fair trade and ethical consumption. However, fair trade and ethical consumption discourses clearly show somewhat limitation subsuming into neoliberal development discourse. In this respect, future ways for postdevelopment have to consider the overcoming of powers based on market and capital, and to orient into the value of redistribution in development process.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.119-125
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• 2019

Traditionally, the definition of a republic in the constitutional sciences has remained passive, identifying whether or not a king exists. However, this is not an accurate understanding. Reinterpreting the meaning of the Republic at this point is expected to play a role in easing the side effects of neo-liberalism. It is more important than anything to establish a concrete picture of what a republic is in reinterpretating its meaning. Therefore, the main content of this paper is to clarify it by presenting requirements for the Republic.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.11
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• pp.447-456
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• 2020

Korean society is facing the 2017 regime and the era of the fourth industrial revolution. University education is trying to select agendas that focuses on public interest and innovation, which are key words, for change. Unlike recent efforts, practical changes are insufficient. There is a relative lack of discussion on the essence and theory of university education in South Korea. This study looked at the current location of Korean university education and discussed the essential direction from a point of view on critical pedagogy. So far, Korean university education has operated under the control of neo-liberalism for more than 20 years since the May 31 educational reform in 1995. Democracy and deindustrialization, the direction pursued by the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, differs from neo-liberalism. Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on neo-liberalism and seek a subsequent turn of direction. Henry Giroux has been critical of the neo-liberalistic policy of American education, which has been a major discourse since 1980, and has discussed proposals for various changes. In particular, it provides clear coordinates for the features of human resources as educated people. For example, they are intellectuals, border intellectuals, and public intellectuals. These intellectuals have independent, autonomous, active, self-reliant characteristics and have a duty and accountability to pursue for public interests. It is also closely related to the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Along with this discussion, university education seems to need serious and rigorous discussion and consideration.

• Journal of Korean Society of Coastal and Ocean Engineers
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.304-312
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• 2011

Grain size analysis was conducted for a total of 402 surface sediments collected from 67 sites along three (upper, middle, and lower) transects corresponding to the high-, mid-, and low-intertidal zone of beach on the Sinjado, Nakdong River estuary in Nov. 2005 and May 2006. Sinja-do beach sediments showed uni-modal grain size distributions, in which the mode of $3.0{\phi}$ was dominant in 2005 whereas the mode of $2.5{\phi}$ in 2006. This coarsening trend was more remarkable in the western side of beach as well as in the mid- and low-intertidal zone. In this study, we focused on investigating characteristics of sediment size changes on the basis of transect data that differ in tidal elevation. For this purpose, a statistical test was applied for transect by transect comparison of grain size parameters such as mean, sorting, and skewness. Mean values between middle and lower transect, sorting values between upper and lower transect, and skewness values over the beach reflected statistically significant temporal changes. Also, mean and skewness parameters showed an inverse relationship which was more stronger in 2006 than in 2005. Temporal changes in Sinja-do beach sediments resulted in decrease of mean and sorting values but increase of skewness values, intensifying the inverse relationship between mean and skewness parameters.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.39
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• pp.74-102
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• 1999

The integrated global economic system have intensed Liberalization, dereguration, privatization. National states were subordinated in global economic system. To save social costs and to encourage the national competition power, the globalized market tends to reduce the domestic social expention. Truely anxious things are not the defectiveness of capitalism itself but neo-liberal measures of each national states. So neo-liberal globalization beat welfare states. Welfare and growth, accumulation and justice are inter-conflict elements, and these confliction is well explained in context of globalization. Stratigies of growth pursuing economic benefits subordinate social policy in economic policy. Globalization did not always reduce the power of national state, but each national states purposely reduce the power of state and state participations. Thus Globalization can be overcome and must be overcome, eventually, the history of social welfare in korea differ frome that of European states. Their's social welfare retrenchment have based on the excessly expeneded welfare provision, but the frame of social welfare in korea is not yet established in history. Fundamentally historic experiences between European and korean social welfare are different. So "the third way" in korea must be in carefull approaches and the social welfare policy in korea must purchase "anti-market policy" and the equal distribution.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.11
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• pp.783-793
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• 2013

Neo-liberalism after IMF bailout made the Korean book market flushing with rose due to the alleged self-development books. Vision of self-development books under neoliberal social system is inevitably reduced to a means of capital pursuing commercialization in line with improving the competitiveness of privates through the development of human resources. Characteristics of self-development books, which attributes personal fail to personal responsibility and lack of essential element compared to others in a competitive society, trap individuals forced to choose into anxiety and helplessness. Self-development and healing is a complementary relationship. Human beings needs healing -healing humanities- in the process of self-development. Therefore, humanities should trigger developing and perceiving his own 'reflexive life skills'. Individual's sense of happiness in life and his own experience is very important, and the conscious relationship about their own feelings could elicit 'self-reinforcement'.