• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.83-95
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• 2004

Chilgok District is a historical area, which has had a certain amount of development. It has its own regional characteristics originating from its isolation from the existing built up area of Daegu City by the Kumho River This study explores the historical development processes and pending development issues of Chilgok District. In 1640 after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, the district upgraded into Chilgok Dohobu due to its importance as a transportation hub of Youngnamdaero(the main road of Youngnam province in Chosun Dynasty). In its early stages, the government office was located in Kasan fortress, later the of office was moved to Eupnae-Dong. The Chilgok district has experienced a developmental lag resulting from the office's removal to Waegwan, located on the Kyungbu railroad since 1914. Later, due to the increasing influence of nearby Daegu City, urbanization continued gradually. Finally in 1981 Chilgok district was officially incorporated into Daegu Metropolitan City. In the later 1980s, the housing land development project was applied into the district centered on the alluvial plain of Palgeo-Cheon(stream) of the Northern part of Taejun-Bridge. Although the old built up zone was excluded from public sector development projects, private sector development has made the zone a modern town. Now, Chilgok district has transformed into a high-density residential new town in which high-rise apartment complexes mingle with numerous houses. As the district has developed, traffic jams have become a hot issue and it is going to get worse than now as the development continues. To solve this problem, Daegu city needs to swiftly construct the fourth belt way and the third subway line.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.53-66
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• 2020

This study was attempted to seek the garden enjoyment of the Yang Un-geo etc., in the head house(宗宅) of Namwonyang's family and Jongho in Sunchang Gumiri through literature and field research. Admirers of Jongho were "six old Taoist hermit", including Cholo(楚老) Yang Un-geo(楊雲擧, 1613-1672) and Yangjindang Haman-ri, the author of Jongho-palgyeong, who was very close friends of Yang, as well as his son-in-law or out-law. Jonghojeong Pavilion, overland rock and nearby Takyeongjeong, which were built around a stone island shaped like a helmet, and a pool along the river, are known as 'Imcheonwonrim(林泉園林)' as the center of the custom that was conducted based on head house, which is up to 2km away from Jongho. Jongho-palgyeong is found to share the characteristics of Jeongja Palgyeong, which is based on Jonghoam, overland and Takyeongjeong, and the characteristics of the town's township of Namwonyang, Gumi-ri. The number of rock letters identified by the Mansutan members is a total of nine points, which clearly indicates that the scene was a scene where the custom of call to create poetry·fishing·playing musical instruments and drinking, as well as the scenery and landscape structure of the Jongho Palgyeong. Jongho Palgyeong, its customs and surrounding rock writing are highly suggestive and valid cultural views to remind or direct the old landscape of Mansutan Jongho and suggest to modern traditional landscapes as well as the "Noblesse oblige landscape enjoyment case."

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.33-46
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• 2012

The purpose of this study lies on reinterpreting the geography books in Joseon dynasty as records of the cities and consequently suggesting directions for further urban research. Geography books of Joseon dynasty are valuable references to understand the national policy, and imply that the focus of the contents is on the system. Especially, military system is an important concept to understand city type in that period, relationships between cities, selection of location, etc. The results of review are as following: First, military system is not a permanent fixture and therefore reflects changes in urban policies along with the history. The system suggests valuable clues on urban development as it is state-run, and closely associated with national land development. Second, counties and prefectures under jurisdiction of district called Eupchi(邑治) had cities as important as or even more important than local government such as Yeong-a(營衙), Jinbo(鎭堡), Yeok(驛: administrative cities). Such special regions need to be studied as other type of cities in Joseon dynasty by defining their architectural characteristics and roles. Third, the relationship of cities such as Eupch, Yeong-a, and Jinbo, was reorganized according to the local military system. Eupchi, administrative city, along with Yeong-a and Jinbo evolved into a military city as it became systematically organized. The characteristics of Yeok needs to be reconsidered in the context of such new inter-city relationship. Fourth, considerations which should be reviewed in the geography based on this concept can be mainly classified into architecture and landscape. This will also lay the foundation, and suggest new directions for further research for Eupchi, Yeong-a, Jinbo, and Yeok. Fifth, description of the geography looks simple at first sight, but with thorough understating on the system, there are chances to interpret objective reasoning of position and landscape in the overall flow of region, area, etc. Bongsu(烽燧), signal-fire, can be an object of comparison with geographical features and position. Furthermore, advantageous position is a historical and geographical element showing the major context of the region.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.16-35
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• 2009

This paper is to compare the contexts and old place names in old county maps of Goryeong-hyeon(高靈縣) according to the four types of maps. 23 maps covering Goryeong-hyeon were collected from the old county-map atlas(郡縣地圖帖) and Eupji(邑誌). The first type(named 'picture county map') included 8 county-maps in which information of military, and administrative contents are mainly mapped. The second type(named '1-ri grid system map') included 4 county maps in which information about beacon routes and road systems were regarded as very important. The third type(named '20-ri grid-system map(方眼地圖)' included 4 county-maps which were drawn as same scale with 20-ri(里) grids. The fourth type(named 'local county-map(地方郡縣地圖)' included 5 county maps which were drawn by local mappers. Types of toponyms which were included in maps are different by the propose of map-drawing. In the picture county maps, place names from military, and administrative contents are written. In the 1-ri grid system county maps, place names especially from military and transportation are fluent. In the 20-ri grid system county maps, generic name from natural environment, such as mountains are very fluent. In the local county maps, city-walls and castles are drawn exaggeratively and detailed generic name from warehouses and villages are written in those maps. This study shows that Daedongyeo-jido was drawn on the basis of 20-ri grid system county maps with the supplementation of geographical information.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.50-66
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• 2016

This study attempts to understand and explain how "Directed Attention Restorative Environment (DARE)" is managed and fostered in "Gang-Hak (講學)" and "Yu-Sik (遊息)" spaces both inside and outside of Oksan Seowon Confucian Academy, Gyeongju. Directed Attention is a pivotal element in human information processing so that its restoration is crucial for effective thinking and learning. According to Kaplan & Kaplan's Attention Restoration Theory, an environment, in order to be restorative, should have four elements: 'Being Away,' 'Extent,' 'Fascination,' and 'Compatibility.' We could confirm OkSan Seowon Confucian Academy has an inner logic that integrates two basically different spacial concepts of "Jangsu" and "Yusik" and thus fosters the Attention Restorative Environment. Particularly, the Four Mountains and Five Platforms (四山五臺) surrounding the premises provides an excellent learning environment, and is in itself educational in terms of the Neo-Confucian epistemology with "Attaining Knowledge by way of Positioning Things (格物致知)" as its principle precept, and of its aesthetics with "Connectedness with Nature" as its central tenet. This study attempts to recapture the value of Korea's cultural heritage concerning the Human/Nature relationship; and it may provide useful insights and practical guidelines/grounds in designing today's schools and campuses, where the young people's needs for the Directed Attention- and Attention Restorative- Servicescapes seem to be greater than ever.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.5-33
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• 2009

Jain-Danoje's course since modern is not different with almost all of folk performances, which were restored and reconstructed with a background of the designation of an intangible cultural heritage and National folk arts contest sine the 1960s. Generally, these folk performances were decontextualized in course of extinction and reappearance, and recontextualized in course of new directions on tradition. Also, the performances were interpreted differently and transformed by the main constituents of reappearance. Jain-Danoje nowadays has a regular form just at that time that has been designated as a cultural heritage at 1970s. But, today's Jain-Danoje is clearly different with the last appearance in 1936 and some Literature and jainhyun-eupji. I think such differences would stems from the process of reproduction. From this perspective, I had investigate Old literature and the early days report, and the current text. Especially, I will show the considerable change which has been occurred in the Yeowonmu and Hojanggut, the central role to configure that identity, by comparing past and today. As a result of consideration, today's form of the Yeowonmu and Hojanggut are created texts that mind the designation of an intangible cultural heritage and National folk arts contest. These texts has been reproduced without understanding about structure and current of folk festival and state of performance which has been transmitted on premodern society. some intellectuals search for an archaic form of Jain-Danoje based on jainhyun-eupji that created in 1895, except the other jainhyun-eupji. Moreover, because of the understanding with a bias, they can't grasp the meaning about the religious service for Hanjanggun, and they can't see the facts of Yeowonmoo. In addition, they were aware of 'o-sin' that led by Hojang as a fancy dress parade in a carnival, and that is recognized as a component of Jain-Danoje, so there was other text which is different from our own festival.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.513-557
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• 2009

The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.