• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.110-118
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• 2015

Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, one of the Goosanseonmoon of Shilla Dynasty, calls for a study in the field of landscape architecture because it has very significant elements in cultural and ecological landscaping aspects. This study examined the changes in landscaping elements of Borimsa Temple since the 17th century in order to newly recognize cultural landscaping value of space composition elements for traditional temple and to verify landscape architectural position. For research method, literatures such as Sajeonggi (事蹟記), Joongchanggi, a surveyed map by Fujishima Gaijiro in 1928 and Joseon Gojeogdobo (朝鮮古蹟圖譜) and modern documents including Borimsa Temple Precision Ground Survey Report and photographic records of National Archives of Korea and provincial governments were examined together with a field survey in order to trace changes in landscape elements such as buildings within the temple site, pond and temple forest. The results are as the following: First, for geographical locations of Borimsa Temple, it is located in an auspicious location and Shipyuknahansang and Cheonbul were placed in a supplementary purpose according to the contents of Bojoseonsatapbi. Compared to Namhwaseonsa Temple in China, it has a similar environmental composition but the fact that buildings were placed on platforms is a distinctive difference. Second, architectural landscape of Borimsa Temple went through the Japanese colonial era and Korean War and still going through changes today. Thus, there shall be some appropriate measures such as to establish an archive of past landscape data. Third, the contents of Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi suggests that the pond of Borimsa Temple had been in a indeterminate form with stones on the outer edge. Its name could have been Yongcheon (湧泉) according to the contents of Joongchanggi. Also, the current landscape, in comparison with past photographs, is a result of changes from surface raise occurred by ground reinforcement within the temple site. Fourth, Jangsaengpyoju (長生標柱) mentioned in Bojoseonsatapbi and Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi was thought to be the dried juniper tree in front of Daewoongbojeon, which can be found in past photographic documents but, it is now assumed to be Seokbihyeong (石碑形) considering the Gukjangsaeng and Hwangjangsaeng of Dogapsa Temple of the similar time period. Moreover, Hongsalmoon mentioned in Joongchanggi was established by King's order after the Manchu war of 1636 in praising of Buddhist monks those who had volunteered to fight for the country. Fifth, it is apparent in Borimsa Temple Joongchanggi that geomancy was a consideration in landscaping process of Borimsa Temple, and the record indicates that pine trees, bo trees and persimmon trees were planted. Sixth, tea tree forest was verified of its historical root that is Seongchailyeo from Unified Shilla through passing down of Jeong Yak-yong's Goojeunggoopo method and relevant documents of Seon Master Choui and Yi Yu-won. Seventh, nutmeg tree forest suggests that nutmegs were used in national ceremonies and for medical uses. The nutmeg tree forest was also verified of its role as Naehwasoorimdae (a forest built to prevent fire from spreading) through aerial photographs and placement of a forest reserve.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technical Association of the Pulp and Paper Industry Conference
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• 2000.04a
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• pp.148-149
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• 2000

황금배는 1967년에 신고에 이십세기를 교배하여 1977년 1차선발과 1982년 2차선발을 거 쳐 1984년 최종선발, 명명한 품종으로, 당도가 높고 육질이 부드러워서 최근 몇년 사이에 캐 나다, 미국, 호주, 그리고 유럽 지역에서의 수요가 급증하고 있는 수출전망이 매우 밝은 품 종 중의 하나이다(92년 재배면적 lOha 수출량 5. 8M/T, 95년 재배면적 150ha 수출량 2 200.6M/T), 황금배는 비교적 대과이고 과형은 원형에 가까운 편원형으로서 사과 골든처럼 과피가 황금색이고 과육은 연황백색으로 투명하며 보기에 극히 미려한 특징이 있다. 아울러 육질이 유연치밀하고 과즙이 극히 많으며 당도가 높아 13$^{\circ}$ Bx이상, 15도 Bx까지 측정되는 둥 감산이 적화되어 맛이 극히 우수하다. 그러나 이러한 황금배는 동녹, 흑반병 등 병충해로 인한 상품가치의 하락으로 현재 수요를 충족시키지 못하고 있는 실정이다. 1 16세기부터 씌워진 과실봉지는 초기 병해충을 방지할 목적만으로 사용되어 왔지만, 현 재는 방균과 방충의 효과와 함께 자연현상의 최적화를 위한 차광성, 발수성, 투기성을 조절 하며 과실의 외관까지 영향을 미치는 바, 과실봉지의 기능성 부여를 위해서는 고도의 기술 력이 요구되고 있다 하겠다. 상기한 배에 방균방충처리된 과설봉지를 씌워서 재배하면 농 약 살포횟수를 줄이고 배에 농약이 직접 묻지 않아 배의 농약오염을 예방할 수 있으며, 봉 지 안으로의 해충이나 균의 침투를 원천적으로 봉쇄할 수 있다. 그러나 기존의 황금배용 봉 지는 비록 기타 병충해 피해를 방지하는 효과는 있었으나, 동녹을 억제하는 효력이 다소 미 흡하였다. 과피의 비정상적인 코르크화로 인해 발생하는 동녹은 과피의 물리적 할렬과 생리적 장 해에 의해 발생하는 것으로 알려져 있다(永澤 1940). 과실이 비대해짐에 따라 과피의 기공 (과점)이 할렬하면서 코르크화가 진행되는데 그 발생정도나 시기는 배의 품종에 따라 다르 나 일반적으로 코르크화는 기상조건, 특히 습도와 밀접한 관련이 있다고 알려져 있다 황금 배의 재배에 봉지를 적용하면 일반적으로 과피의 코르크화가 억제되는데 그러한 이유는 다 음과 같이 설명할 수 있다. 과실은 하루를 주기로 하여 수축과 팽창을 반복하면서 비대화하 는데 이러한 현상은 과실 내의 수분 조건에 따르는 것으로, 봉지재배의 경우 무대재배보다 단기간에 변화되는 습도의 범위가 좁아 급변을 방지하기에 과점의 할렬이 완화될 수 있다. 즉, 봉지를 씌웅으로서 봉지 내의 대기 환경이 외기보다 안정적으로 유지되고 직사광선이나 농약 및 마찰로부터 과실을 보호해 주기에 동녹이 어느 정도 방지될 수 있는 것이다. 그러나 기존의 황금배봉지는 동녹의 정도를 완화시킬 뿐 완전히 방지할 수 없었으며, 봉지를 적 용한 재배조건에서의 동녹발생 기구를 정확히 이해하지 못했었기에 효과적으로 봉지의 기능 을 개선하는 것이 불가능하였다. 과설의 미려도는 과실의 맛과 함께 그 가치를 결정짓는 중요한 물성으로서 우리나라 황 금배 재배환경과 특성에 알맞은 배봉지의 제작이 선결될 때, 배 품질의 향상, 안정된 공급이 가능하게 될 것이며 아울러 농가의 수업증대와 수출 경쟁력 강화가 이루어질 수 있을 것으로 판단된다. 이러한 측면에서 황금배 재배농가가 당면한 동녹발생의 문제점을 신속한 해결 을 위한 새로운 기능성 국산 황금배 봉지의 개발이 절실히 요구되고 있다. 위와 같은 문제를 해결하기 위하여 본 연구에서는 과실봉지의 종류간에 동녹발생 정도 가 상이한 점에 예의 주시하여 다양한 봉지의 적용실험을 통해 다음과 같은 결과를 얻었다. 황금배의 동녹 발생 정도는 배봉지의 발수성과 투기 및 투습도에 의해 크게 영향받는다. 상기한 바와 같이 과점의 코르크화로 인해 동녹이 발생된다고 할 때, 봉지 내의 습기 및 웅결수의 양은 황금배의 동녹에 중대한 영향을 미친다. 태양광이 내려찍는 낮 시간동안 황 금배는 증산작용을 하며 습기를 배출하는데 봉지 내의 온도가 높은 낮 시간 동안 수분이 습기로 존재하지만 기온이 급격히 떨어지는 일몰 이후에는 상대습도가 높아짐에 따라 결로 현상으로 인해 응결수가 된다. 이때 응결수와 접촉한 과피는 건조한 상태보다 세균의 침입 이 용이할 뿐만 아니라 기공(과점)의 호홉에 지장이 초래됨에 따라 과점의 할렬이 더욱 조 장되어 코르크화를 유발하고 결과적으로 동녹이 발생한다고 판단된다. 따라서 만일에 봉지 의 투기, 투습도가 양호하여 봉지 내의 과다한 수분이 충분히 배출될 수 있었다면, 수분의 응결을 피하고 동녹을 완화시킬 수 있을 것이라 판단되었다.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.1-14
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• 2022

The ancient North-East Asian royal garden is divided into three types, located in the north inside the palace, in the north outside the palace, and in the south inside or outside the palace, depending on the location relationship between the royal capital and the royal palace. The first is a typical royal garden that follows the ancient Chinese court system of the Chao-hu-chim(前朝後寢). The second is a royal garden located independently of the royal palace, which extends to Geumwon(禁苑). The third is located in the south of royal palace and is the royal garden specialized in Yurak(遊樂) or Hyangyeon(饗宴). The types of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens are classified according to the relationship between main palace(正宮) and secondary palace(別宮), detached palace(離宮), and Geumwon(禁苑), and each has unique characteristics. The first has been established as the garden of the main palace, including the royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟), Han Chang'an capital(漢 長安城), BeiWei Luoyang capital(北魏 洛陽城), Jiankang capital in Southern Dynasties(南朝 建康城), and Daminggong(大明宮) in Tang Dynasty. Here, the royal garden is divided into Naewon(內苑) inside the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑), outside the royal palace. On the other hand, the second is the royal garden that the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑) are united. The third is the royal garden that forms part of the royal palace or is independent of the royal palace, and has been specialized as a secondary palace(別宮) and detached palace(離宮). China created the model of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens, and based on this, Baekje, Silla, and Japan of Korea influenced each other and developed a unique palace by showing their originality. The royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟) was influenced by royal gardens of Wei-Jin and Northern & Southern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝). And royal gardens of the Sabi Capital(泗沘都城) were influenced by royal gardens of Jin(秦), Han(漢), Sui(隋), and Tang(唐), and royal gardens of Silla(新羅) were influenced by the royal gardens of Baekje(百濟) and Silla. However, each of these royal gardens also has its own unique characteristics. From this aspect, it can be seen that the ancient North-East Asian court had different lineages depending on the region. Anhakgung Palace in Pyongyang(平壤 安鶴宮) is more likely to be viewed as the Three Kingdoms period than the Goryeo Dynasty. However, it is difficult to raise it to the 5th and 6th centuries due to the overlapping relationship and relics of the lower part of Anhakgung Palace(安鶴宮), and it is generally presumed to be the middle of the 7th century. The royal garden at Anhakgung Palace is a secondary palace(別宮) or detached palace(離宮) that corresponds to the palace of Jang-an capital(長安城) in Pyongyang and is believed to have influenced Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) and Donggung(東宮) and Wolji(月池) in Gyeongju. From this point of view, Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) seems to be related to the palaces of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. This study has many limitations as it focuses on its characteristics and transitions due to the location of the palace in the large framework of ancient North-East Asian royal capital. If these limitations are resolved little by little, it is expected that the understanding of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens will be much wider.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.182-192
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• 2002

Purpose : This study was performed to characterize the epidemiologic and clinical features of acute adenoviral lower respiratory tract infections(LRTIs). Methods : Virological analysis was done from respiratory specimens obtained from patients with LRTIs hospitalized to other hospitals and referred to the Department of Pediatrics, Seoul National University Children's Hospital(SNUCH) from June 1998 to July 2000. Viral diagnosis was made by isolation of viruses employing HEp-2 cell culture and indirect immunofluorescent staining with monoclonal antibodies. Serotypes of adenoviruses were determined by neutralization test using antiserum for types 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 and 11. Medical records of children admitted to the SNUCH were reviewed retrospectively. Results : Adenovirus was isolated from 118(9.0%) of 1,305 children with LRTIs. Serotypes were 3(39.0%), 7(16.9%), 1(11.0%), 2(7.6%), 4(7.6%), 6(5.9%), 11(2.5%), and 5(0.8%) and 10 strains(8.5%) were not neutralized by antisera included in the study. Infections by type 3 and type 7 occurred in outbreaks. Male to female ratio was 1.0:0.9 and mean age was 1.95 years. The clinical diagnoses were pneumonia(83%), acute tracheobronchitis(12%) and bronchiolitis(5%). Associated symptoms, signs and abnormal laboratory findings included cough(100%), sputum(73.5%), fever(54.2%), rale(59.3%), wheezing(34%), anemia(35%) and leukopenia(15.8%). Mortality was in 13.5%. Residual radiologic sequelae was identified in 32.6% of the patients followed. Conclusion : These data confirms that adenovirus may cause severe lower respiratory tract diseases, and infections by type 3 and 7 may occured in outbreaks.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.415-440
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• 2018

On September 23, 2015, the Ministry of Education announced the 2015 revision of educational curriculum which aimed at 'cultivating creative talents' based on the Article 23, Section 2 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Law. As a result, music curriculum have also been partially revised, which seems to maintain the 2009 revision of music curriculum. Although Jeongganbo 井間譜 is already exposed in the music curriculum for the third and forth grades of elementary school, the learning content about how to read Jeongganbo and how to express the pitch and length of sound including the origin of its name and the background of its invention are dealt with specifically in the fifth and sixth grades. Jeongganbo is known as the oldest mensural notation in the Orient created by King Sejong of the Joseon Dynasty in the middle of the $15^{th}$ century, and it was used for the first time in Sejong sillok akbo 世宗實錄樂譜 (Scores in the Annals of King Sejong), the oldest musical score still in existence. However, in the music textbooks as well as the most of specialized books related to the Korean traditional music, it is uncritically accepted without providing clear grounds that Sejong invented Jeongganbo himself. If so, it is necessary to investigate on which grounds it is claimed that Sejong invented Jeongganbo. This paper first examined the grounds of the proposition that "Sejong invented Jeongganbo," which is introduced in the music textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades of elementary school, by separating it into Sejong's creation of Sinak 新樂 (new music), Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo and Sejong's invention of Hangeul. Next, this paper examined how the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo has been described in the textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades in elementary school based on the 2009 revision of music curriculum, and suggested the direction of a desirable music education by pointing out the related problems. According to historical records and circumstances such as Sejong's creation of Sinak, Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo with 16 Jeonggan (square) in one vertical line, Sejong's invention of Hangeul and so on, it seems to be the most reasonable that Sejong is the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo as of now. However, the attitude of the musical academy to accept and educate the unclear thing as if it is a fact does not seem desirable. Therefore, I suggest that it should be described "Jeongganbo was invented in the period of Sejong" or "it is supposed that Jeongganbo was invented by Sejong" rather than presenting "Sejong made Jeongganbo" or "created" until revealing the clear evidence about the subject of Jeongganbo.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.62-79
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• 2017

The principle of repairing the architectural heritage in China was first presented by Liangsicheng of Society for Research in Chinese Architecture in the 1930s, and it was stated as "Restoration of Historic Condition or Preservation of Existing Condition" in 1961 in the "Provisional Regulations on the Protection and Management of Cultural Relics" after various repair experiences under the social and political background of the 1950s. Restoration of historic condition generally means restoration to original shape, and because architectural heritage was often repaired based on similar principle in Korea and Japan in the early and mid 20th century, it can be said that the restoration of historic condition was a universal and leading principle in this period in Northeast Asia. In China, however, the preservation of existing condition is equally specified along with the restoration of historic condition. When considering the leading trend of the time, it seems to be rather unexpected, which leads to questions about the formation process and meaning. The research on Liangsicheng, which first suggested the principle of repair, is very important, but there is a lack of three-dimensional analysis of his principles compared with active research on international principles in China. In order to understand the process of formation and its meaning of the principle of repair in China, we first need to analyze the principle proposed by Liangsicheng, and it is necessary to comprehensively examine how the principle have changed under the social background surrounding architectural heritage conservation after the founding of the People's Republic of China(PRC). In this paper, we first show that Liangsicheng has proposed a principle of restoration of historic condition with important values in the originality, and at the same time he opened the possibility of preservation of existing condition for the result of value judgment or realistic reason. In addition, we examine the process of equalizing preservation of existing condition with a restoration of historic condition as a realistic principle due to the influence of Soviet architectural heritage conservation system and Chinese economic development oriented policy after the founding of PRC.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.383-406
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• 2014

Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon (1513~1577) considered poetry as a part of his life. Therefore, this writer specifically focused on Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon's Chinese poems. The following is the conclusion from the materials discussed in this article. Mi-Am tried to understand literature in ethical perspective. The number of Chinese poems composed by Mi-Am is estimated to be about 300, and the number of pieces that this writer could find was 285. Also, Mi-Am took poem composition seriously, and put emphasis on content more than structure. Among Go Shi, Yul Shi, and Jul gu, Jul gu (especially Chil Un) is the largest in quantity, and it is presumed that he preferred Chil(seven) Un over Oh(five) Un. With regards to Go Shi, there are relatively many Jeon-Go. With regards to Jul gu, which was a poetry composing structure that Mi-Am could make the best use of, they were mostly about the daily lives. And with regards to Yul Shi, there were many poems that expressed his feelings about the real world and self-examination. Mi-Am's poems can be categorized into ones that he wrote when he was on exile, and ones that he wrote while serving for the king again after he got released from exile. During the exile period, self-discipline through learning, friendship, and love for the people were the main themes of his poems, and after being released and started serving for the king again, his poems were mostly about loyalty to the king, interaction with acquaintances, emotions, ancestor worship, self-examination, and conjugal affection through literary communion. Among Mi-Am's poems, there are many that have Eum Song Cha Un included in their titles, and the mainstream of his poems were related to daily lives or experiences. Also, most of them naturally and calmly expressed the fact itself without exaggerating. Mi-Am considered poetry as a part of his life and the fact that he practiced literary communion with his wife by writing poems about the ordinary things happened between him and his wife, Song Duk Bong, is worthy of notice.

• The Journal of the Acoustical Society of Korea
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• v.26 no.7
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• pp.343-352
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• 2007

The present study aims to investigate the design standard for acoustic criteria of Korean traditional music which could be used for the design of Korean traditional music halls. In order to do this, subjective listening tests were undertaken to musicians using auralized sounds which were convolved with the impulse response of traditional instruments recorded in an anechoic chamber. 94 pairs of sound were made which have different value of acoustic parameters including RT, BR, Brilliance, G, C80, ITDG, IACC. A paired comparison method(PCM) was used to analyze the results from the subjective listening tests. The results show that the preference of acoustic criteria for the Korean traditional music is far different from those of western music. As a result, specific range of acoustic criteria were suggested for the appropriate acoustic conditions of Korean traditional music. Also, a guideline of the acoustic design of halls for performing the Korean traditional music was suggested which could be used as a basic reference in the future works.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.41-66
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• 2017

The purpose of this research is to empirically trace the junctures of Yigye-gugok managed by Gwan-am Hong Gyeong-mo, a grandson of Yigye Hong Yang-ho who originally designed Yigye-gugok, while reviewing the features of the forms and patterns of gugok. The results of the research are as follows. 1. Ui-dong was part of the domain of the capital during the Chosun dynasty, which also is located in the city of Seoul as a matter of administrative zone. Likewisely, Yigye-gugok is taken as a special meaning for it was one and only gugok. Starting with Mangyeong Waterfall as the $1^{st}$ gok, Yigye follows through the $2^{nd}$ gok of Jeokchwibyeong Rock, the $3^{rd}$ gok of Chanunbong Peak, the $4^{th}$ gok of Jinuigang Rock, the $5^{th}$ gok of Okkyeongdae Rock, the $6^{th}$ gok of Wolyeongdam Pond, the $7^{th}$ gok of Tagyeongam Rock, the $8^{th}$ gok of Myeongoktan Stream, and the $9^{th}$ gok of Jaeganjeong Pavilion. Of these, Mangyeong Waterfall, Chanunbong Peak, and Okkyeongdae Rock are distinct for their locations in as much as their features, while estimated locations for Jinuigang Rock, Wolyeongdam Pond, Myeongoktan Stream, and Jaeganjeong Pavilion were discovered. However, Jeokchwibyeong Rock and Tagyeongam Rock demonstrated multiple locations in close resemblance to documentary literatures within secretive proximity, whereas geography, scenery, and sighted objects were considered to evaluate the 1st estimated location. Through these endeavored, it was possible to identify the shipping routes and structures for the total distance of 2.1km running from the $1^{st}$ gok to the $9^{th}$ gok, which nears Gwanam's description of 5ri(里), or approximately 1.96km for gugok. 2. Set towards the end of the $18^{th}$ century, Yigye-gugok originated from a series of work shaping the space of Hong Yang-ho's tomb into a space for the family. Comparing Yigye-gugok to other gugoks, numerous differences are apparent from beyond the rather more general format such as adjoining the $8^{th}$ gok while paving through the lower directions from the upper directions of the water. This gives rises to the interpretation such that Yigye-gugok was positioned to separate the doman of the family from those of the other families in power, thereby taking over Ui-dong. Yet, the aspect of the possession of the space lends itself to the determination that the location positioned at the $8^{th}$ gok above Mangyeongpok Waterfall representing Wooyi-dong was a consequence of the centrifugal space creation efforts. 3. While writings and poetic works were manufactured in such large quantities in Yigye-gugok whose products of setters and managers seemed intended towards gugok-do and letters carved on the rocks among others, there is yet a tremendous lack of visual media in the same respect. 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting offers the traces of Gwanam's attempts to engrave gakja at the food of Yigye-gugok. This research was able to ascertain that 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting was a product of Hong Yang-ho's collections maintained under the auspices of the National Central Museum, which are renowned for Song Shi-yeol's penmanship.