• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.48-58
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• 2013

The results of this research to study forms, structure, changes, symbolic meanings of 16 Hahoe sceneries through analyses of "Hahwaesipyukgyeong" and "Hahwaenakgangsanghaildaedo" are as belows. The coherence of headword is not discovered in 16 Hahoe sceneries, but based on various variables and sense dependence, endemicity with original natural scenes, human's life and phenomena of riverside village are spread in 3km viewing areas within 200m from Gyeonamjeongsa(謙巖精舍) and Okyeonjeongsa(玉淵精舍). As the viewing points of Gyeonam and Okyeonjeongsa are symmetrically facing and separately independent, while viewing angles do not intersect at Wonjijeongsa (遠志精舍) and Binyeonjeongsa(賓淵精舍) because of Buyongdae(芙蓉臺), and crating each independent viewing area, we can see 16 Hahoe sceneries are perfect views by supplementing Gyeonam and Okyeon Jeongsa, as well as points of views from Wonji and Binyeonjeongsa. Meanwhile, as the view point of 16 Hahoe sceneries, Gyeomam, Okyeon, Binyeon, and Wonji Jeongsa are clearly described, and 12 natural sceneries, which are Hwasan(花山), Ipam(立巖), Maam(馬巖), Jando(棧道), Bangi(盤磯), Hoengju(橫舟), and Honggyo(虹橋), among landscape elements of 16 Hahoe sceneries that can be expressed on canvas in the Haoedo are realistically described, there is high possibility that Haoedo is the 'Mental Stroll about Nature(臥遊) of 16 Hahoe sceneries. The belted forest surrounding the village in the painting is assumed to be an erosion control forest, and considering row-expressed trees, the south belted forest may be a different broad-leaved forest from current Mansongjeong(萬松亭) pine forest. In 16 Hahoe sceneries, there is Neo-confucianism tendency, which connects the nature and human life, and moreover prioritize human life than the nature. Especially as seen in the 'Choljae(拙齋)', the pen name of 16 Hahoe sceneries' author park, the 16 Hahoe scenery poet suggests 'Beauty of Jolbak(拙撲美)' based on the simple life that upright classical scholars pursued as the basic emotion. The thinking system shown in the poet is interpreted as Neo-confucianism category including one's sense and emotion depended on natural features or phenomena. Ultimately, 16 Hahoe sceneries are landscape that reflects moral world views of Confucianism scholars who wanted to express ideal thoughts based on natural features and phenomena in reality at Jeongsa in Buyongdae and Hahoe Village.

• Journal of Korean Society of Environmental Engineers
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• v.39 no.11
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• pp.613-625
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• 2017

For two agricultural reservoirs that are rented for fishing spots, benthic nutrient fluxes experiment were performed two times with two sediments from fishing-effective zone and one sediment from fishing-ineffective zone using laboratory core incubation in oxic and anoxic conditions. During benthic nutrient fluxes experiment, the changes in DO, EC, pH, and ORP in the supernatant were not significantly different between fishing-effective zone and fishing-ineffective zone, and were similar to the sediment-hypolimnetic diffused boundary layer in agricultural reservoir. Except for $NO_3{^-}-N$, more benthic nutrient fluxes of $NH_4{^+}-N$, T-P, and $PO{_4}^{3-}-P$ from sediment to hypolimnetic was measured in anoxic than in oxic conditions (p<0.05). As the DO concentration in hypolimnetic decreases, the microorganism-mediated ammonification is promoted, the nitrification is suppressed, and finally the $NH_4{^+}-N$ diffuses out from sediment to hypolimnetic. Also, the diffusion of T-P and $PO{_4}^{3-}-P$ from sediments to hypolimnetic is accelerated through the dissociation of the phosphorus bound to both organic matters and metal hydroxides. The difference in the benthic nutrient diffusive fluxes between fishing-effective zone and fishing-ineffective zone was not statistically significant (p>0.05). Therefore, it was found that fishing activities did not increase the benthic nutrient diffusive fluxes to a statistically significant level. Due to the short fishing activities of 10 years and the rate-limited diffusion of the laboratory core incubation, the contribution of fishing activities on sediment pollution is estimated to be low. No significant correlation was found between the total amount of nutrients in sediment and the benthic nutrient diffusive fluxes in both aerobic and anaerobic conditions. Therefore, nutrients input from various nonpoint sources of watersheds are considered to be a more dominant factor rather than fishing activities in water quality deterioration, and both aeration and water circulation in hypolimnetic were required to suppress the anoxic environment in agricultural reservoirs.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.57-67
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• 2017

Based on the study on place name, meaning analysis of buddhist temple Palgyeng, and classifications of instructions and characteristics of writings on rocks, the main results of the study showed the following. Cheongamsa is located in the upstream of Muheulgugok Valley which was run by Hangang Jeong Gu(寒岡 鄭逑), a typical young man in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, and overlaps with chief monk Byukam Lee Dukjin's(1896~?) object of Cheongamsa Palgyeng during Japanese colonial era. Including the mountain embracing Cheongamsa called Bullyeong-san, various characteristics of writings on rocks such as use of combination of place names including Sudosan, Seonlyeongsan, and Sinseondae, as well as Cheongamsa Temple, Bullyeongdongchun(佛靈洞天), Namuabitabul, Hogye(虎溪), Yeosan Waterfall(廬山瀑布), and Sejinam(洗 塵巖) show co-existence of Confucianism and Taoism mixed together in the temple. Especially for Cheongamsa Valley Hogye and Samsocheon(三笑泉) which is in the precincts of the temple, are realized as the symbol of the scenery of the three religion consilience of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism through announcement using Hogyesamso(虎溪三笑) which originated from Yeosan Donglimsa, Jiangxi, China. Also, there are Yeosan Waterfall with a noble sense of place by negotiating with god, writing on rocks imprinted, and Yeosangyo(廬山橋) in Cheongamsa. As such, cultures of the three religion remain in various layers with the spirit of Hogyosamso symbolizing the consilience and coexistence of the three religion in Cheongamsa without the exclusiveness of Buddhism. Besides, the third precept of Yukhwagyeongbub, known to be practiced in Buddhist temples, which says "Do not only express self-assertion and ignore others" according to the dogma of working together in harmony, is in accordance with the spirits of Hogyesamso. As shown, Gimcheon Cheongamsa which is adorned with cultural landscapes of Hogyesamso, Gugokdongcheon(九曲洞天), and Palgyeng(八景), is not only good enough for the way of Buddhism and Confucianism but also for a place for the three religion consilience embracing the three religion.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.33
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• pp.153-184
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• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.241-262
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• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.102-142
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• 2023

The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.