• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.153-188
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• 2023

This paper aims to confirm theoretical similarities and differences by comparing and considering the economic views of Neo-Confucianism and Daesoon Thought. Through this, there can be an examination of what implications traditional thought regarding economic views can have in today's social climate, which considers economic value to be the greatest value. This can also to help establish a desirable economic view of our society. In conclusion, it can be observed that economic issues are viewed in Daesoon Thought similarly to how they were perceived by Zhu Xi. Which is to say that both place greater relative importance on morality than material wealth. These systems of thought appear to place more emphasis on the spiritual world and moral conduct than on the material world and its economy. Therefore, when looking at the interpretation of loyalty and profit, nature and humanity, the heart and humanity, conscience and selfishness, and other such pairings, there is a tendency to focus more on the spiritual world and moral excellence than on the material world and the pursuit of wealth. These systems of thought acknowledge that material needs exist; however, both move to instill values such that human society pursues moral and spiritual ventures over material gain. Therefore, the position arrived upon by both is that people's morality is the highest good, and when people's morality is fully realized, all social problems, including economic problems, will be solved automatically. This is the theoretical structure and ideological characteristics that constitutes the economic viewpoints posited in both Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucianist thought and Daesoon Thought.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.151-180
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• 2018

Since the completion of the theories on human ethics and moral had been established to pursue by Confucian thinkers like Confucius and Mencius, they generally had agreed to present the basic principles for human education which every human could be the sage. In these principles for human ethics and morality there is on the premise that the knowledge about your own ethical and that the completion of the so-called act(爲) and learning(學). They had given to us that how to get a goal for the ethical and moral lives there are several academic oriented methodology will have act and learning set. In the point of achieving complete figures which act and learning for good society, there was named the sage(聖). This concept sage has two major types. One is on for the political figures that completed, and the other one is for the realm of academic side. Confucian as above mentioned the moral human being is equipped with a complete personality and political ability to make man and society perfect. Confucius has been understood as a complete human being. Yes, ideal for these two types of figures will be fulfilled in some way? They take a mystical ability to a priori or a posteriori, such as human effort can reach the sage. There are many thinkers are obvious and logical answer for this major problem in the system of confucian philosophy I have been trying. About the sage(聖), inherently natural learning(生知) occur to the position sage or knowledge (學知), can lead to there are two of the doctrine for that problem. With the study of learning and knowledge on human beings and real society the two systems concerned together. In fact, the main content of the "Analects of Confucius" we have a set of ethical and moral values not the benevolent conversation about Jin(仁) and his disciples a steady emphasis but on in praise of learning (學) for. However, at the time in Han Tang(漢唐) Han Wi(韓愈) and Wang Chung(王充), according to such thinkers the sage is already a priori determined, cannot be reached by human effort. But At the beginning of the Neo-Confucianism, Cheng I(程?) for the pioneer this Song(宋) scholars, regarding this issue could rebirth the thought that every human could be the sage through the learning as the pre-Chin(先秦) times.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.185-211
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• 2017

Lee Neung Hwa is a scholar of the late Joseon Dynasty, renowned for his studies of Korean studies. In this thesis, the study of Confucianism and Buddhism removed the research and teachings of Confucianism as a traditional study of Confucianism. Lee Neung Hwa criticized the social functioning of Confucian texts during the late Joseon Dynasty. His criticisms reflect the historical consciousness of the late Joseon Dynasty. Lee Neung Hwa is also known as the Buddhist religion. The History of Chosun Buddhism is his masterpiece. He pointed out the differences between the Buddhist scriptures of the Joseon Dynasty and the Japanese Buddhist scriptures. Moreover, the Joseon Dynasty felt more integrated into the Japanese Buddhist kingdom than in Japan. And ineunghwa also studied the mythology of Korea. He established a universal cultural phenomenon as a universal cultural phenomenon, which belongs to any ethnic Koreans. He insisted that the Sin Gyo of Dan Gun is the identity of Korean culture. His Founding Myth was not a matter of historical fact. His Founding Myth was a tool of ideological struggle to fight against Japanese imperialism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.229-264
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• 2009

This paper aims for a study on the theory that mind is Li(principle). The method of research is laid emphasis on searching for the historical development of the perception Theory in late Cho-Sun. First of all, I investigated a meaning of the perception theories of Ho-Rak school, that were criticized in the Cho-Sun academic world. The next, I investigated the theory of Li-ju-Ki-ja that was raised by Yi Sang Jung. He thought that Li is supervisor and Ki is assistance. And he put a construction on the Perception Theories of Toegye school. Yi Jin sang's theory of perception is the result of criticism against Ho-Rak school, and a fresh and in-depth construction of Yi Sang Jung's perception theory. His viewpoint was contradiction to the theory of Sim si Ki(the theory that Mind is made of Ki). And he rediscovered the human conscience that was born endowed from Heaven.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.347-374
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• 2011

Along with Hujiwara Seika(藤原惺窩), Hayashi Razan(林羅山) is called the founder of the Japanese Confucianism in the Eto(江戶) era. And it is necessary for us to grasp that how Razan understand the theory of I-Ki(理氣論), then we can investigate the characteristics of his thought. In ordinary, people understand that the theory of I-Ki, as a completed view of the world, is integration of the structure of theory of the neo-Confucianism. So a certain thinker's ideological attitude is determined according to how people understand the theory. And then we can grasp the structure of his view of the world and human. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to study how Razan had understanded the I(理) and Ki(氣). In spite of a scholar of Zhu Xi(朱熹), Razan didn't accept Zhu's view of I-Ki, he seem to lean toward the view of Wang Yangmings'(王陽明) in the his early learning days. But that doesn't mean he is a scholar of doctrine of Wang Yangming. When he meets the logical contradiction under the process of investigating the problem of Sein and Sollen, he just only to explain it with logic of Ki(氣) which is closed by mind. Meanwhile if we suppose I(理) is pure goodness and there is no things outside of I(理), if so Razan doubts about that where is the root of evil and he try to investigate the answer. In his latter years, Razan takes Zhu Xi's doctrine again get out of the mental attitude to the view of I-Ki(理氣). The outcome of precedent study about Razan points a fact that Razan needs a little more digging into the ieda of 'Fact and Sollen' which had been the reason of ideal confusion of him. But his ideal confusion is not the point of issue. Point is that Razan had understanded I-Ki(理氣) with monistic of Shim(心) in his early years. As a result, that bring about the outcome which exclude ontological thinking, and had come to grips with aspects of Sollen of all things in understanding of the doctrine of Zhu Xi. And I think that is the clue to understanding of Razan's learning.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.