• Korean Security Journal
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• no.62
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• pp.35-63
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• 2020

As the frequency and intensity of catastrophic disasters increase, there is widespread public sentiment that government capacity for disaster response and recovery is fundamentally limited, and that the involvement of civil society and the private sector is ever more vital. That is, in order to strengthen national disaster response capacity, governments need to build disaster systems that are more participatory and function through the channels of civil society, rather than continuing themselves to bear sole responsibility for these "wicked problems." With the advancement of smart mobile technology and social media, government and society as a whole have been called upon to apply these new information and communication technologies to address the current shortcomings of government-led disaster management. As illustrated in such catastrophic disasters as the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami in Japan, the 2010 Haitian earthquake, and Hurricane Katrina in the United States in 2005, the realization of participatory potential of smart technologies for better disaster response has enabled citizen participation via new smart technologies during disasters and resulted in positive impact on the management of such disasters. In this context, this study focuses on the South Korean context, and aims to analyze Korean government officials' readiness for public participation using smart technologies. On this basis, it aims to offer policy suggestions aimed at promoting smart technology-enabled citizen participation. For this purpose, it proposes a particular model, termed SMART (System, Motivation, Ability, Response, and Technology).

• Maritime Security
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-56
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• 2022

Why has India become a key actor in the maritime-configured Indo-Pacific region? There are some external factors, but for India, its geo-strategic frontier encompassing its geopolitical and maritime interests is expanding rapidly beyond its territorial space across both the Indian and Pacific oceans amidst an increasingly arduous geopolitical and security environment. India must, therefore, acquire the ability to influence events within this strategic arena using all facets of national power, including maritime-military power. Lately, therefore, New Delhi has invested much intellectual capital to review its maritime-security strategy. India's new strategy is premised on the concept of holistic security involving the 'softer' aspects of maritime-security, and a rekindling of maritime consciousness in India, a nation that has traditionally been beset by 'sea-blindness'. The strategy adopts a region-wide, inclusive, and a more proactive approach than hitherto, as is evident in its title 'Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy'. While it deals with the growing concern of new non-traditional threats in the Indian littoral and the need for military deterrence and preparedness, it also addresses the imperatives for India to seek a favorable and rules-based benign environment in its immediate and extended maritime periphery, including through multi-vectored strategic partnerships dictated by its enduring principle of strategic autonomy. For a more profound and comprehensive understanding of India's maritime-security strategy, this paper examines the key unstated and implicit factors that underpin the strategy. These include India's historical and cultural evolution as a nation; its strategic geography; its geopolitical and security perceptions; and the political directions to its security forces. The paper deals specifically with India's response to maritime threats ranging from natural disasters, crime and state-sponsored terrorism to those posed by Pakistan and China, as well as the Indian Navy's envisaged security role East of the Malacca Straits. It also analyzes the aspects of organizational restructuring and force planning of India's maritime-security forces.