• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.235-242
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• 2013

For people with disabilities, getting a job makes it possible to advocate their own human rights, to improve their self-esteem and self-efficacy, to narrow economic, psychological and social divide between them and those without disabilities and ultimately to attain social integration. According to recent statistical data, there was an increase in the weight of people with disabilities, but their economic activities were on the wane, and it's required to explore what curbs the employment of people with disabilities to find feasible solutions. The purpose of this study was to examine influential factors for the economic activities of people with disabilities. The subjects in this study were the selected people with disabilities in the metropolitan area, on whom a survey was conducted to make an empirical analysis. The findings of the study were as follows: The people with disabilities engaged in less economic activities when they were basic livelihood security recipients, when they were older, and when they were female. And those who underwent job training and who were certified technicians were more likely to participate in economic activities. Therefore differentiated policy setting is required to boost the economic activities of people with disabilities after their general characteristics, characteristics as human resources and characteristics related to vocational training are carefully analyzed. As for general characteristics, whether they are basic livelihood security recipients or not should be considered to assess the degree of their poverty, and their gender, age and presence or absence of spouses should all be taken into account. In terms of vocational training, their certificates and job training experience should be investigated.

• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.68-76
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• 2021

This study was attempted to understand the relationship between the attitudes toward abortion, euthanasia, and the level of perception of good death among nursing college students and related factors. The data were collected by using structured questionnaires and the subjects were selected in C and G city. The research method was a descriptive research study, and the mean, standard deviation, frequency analysis, and Pearson's correlation coefficients were analyzed for the variables. The results of this study are as follows. The degree of support for the abortion opposition was 2.51±.56 (score range 1-4), and the opposition to abortion was superior to the approval..The perception of euthanasia was 3.06±.47 points (4 point scale), which was positively recognized at a higher level than the middle, and the good death perception was 2.97±.47 points (4 point scale), which was moderate. 97.1% of the respondents said that they had abortion decisions, and 5.7% of the university students experienced abortion. The attitude toward abortion showed negative correlation with the attitude toward euthanasia (r=-.374, p<.001), showing that the more supportive the anti-abortion, the more positive the attitude toward euthanasia. Therefore, it is necessary to educate the subjects to protect and respect the human rights of patients based on the dignity of life and humanistic thinking while providing nursing services.

• 지역과문화
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.1-25
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• 2021

Nosong-dong is used to be center of the administration, education and transportation in Jeonju. It has ironically been the location of the city's prostitution quarter 'called Seonmichon'. This place is recently selected as an area of urban regeneration by Jeonju. The project has involved numerous programs which gradually transfer this place for the women's rights and arts. This paper focuses on exploring the socio-cultural meanings of a community museum, an archive for gender equality, and an exhibition site for local artists. The Seonmichon quarter has long been stigmatized as an area of ill repute and regarded with contempt by the surrounding neighborhood. It is space where polarized interests are entangled. City authority has tried to reflect this by presenting a variety of perspectives on the Seonmichon district. An initiative of the community museum has been its hosting of several exhibitions around the themes of women's rights and community arts. The most remarkable aspect of the exhibitions that have taken place in the heart of the Seonmichon district has been the active participation of local community residents as a catalyst for progressive social change. The paper's overall purpose is to provide an introduction and analyze the process of development of the exhibition initiative, and further examine the social role and meaning of the community museum in Nosong-dong, as well as its future tasks and directions.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-39
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• 2019

Even after the Constitutional Court decided on August 23, 2012 that the provisions of abortion were constitutional, discussions on the abolition of abortion continued. The controversy about abortion is not only happening recently, but it has already existed since the time when the Penal Code was enacted, and it shares the history of modern legislation with the Republic of Korea. Legislators whom submitted amendment while insisting upon the eradication of abortion in the process of enacting criminal law at that time, presented social and economic adaptation reasons as the core reason. From then on, the abolition of abortion has been discussed during the development dictatorship, but this was not intended to guarantee women's human rights, but it was closely connected to the national policy projects of "Contraception" and "Family Planning" of the Park's dictatorship. Since then, the enactment of the Mother and Child Health Law, which restrictively allow artificial abortion, was held on February 8, 1973, in an emergency cabinet meeting that replaced the legislative power after the National Assembly was disbanded. It became effected May 10th. The reason behind the Mother and Child Health Law that included legalization of abortion in part was that the Revitalizing Reform at that time did not allow any opinion, so it seem to be it was difficult for the religious to express opposition. The "Maternal and Child Health Law" enacted in this way has been maintained through several amendments. It can be seen that the question of maintenance of abortion has been running on parallel lines without any significant difference from the time when the Penal Code was enacted. On August 23, 2012, the Constitutional Court decided that the Constitutional Opinion and the unonstitutional Opinion were 4: 4. However, it was decided by the Constitution without satisfying the quorum for unconstitutional decision of the Constitutional Court. This argument about abolition of abortion is settled for the the time being with the decision of the constitutional inconsistency of the Constitutional Court, and now, the National Assembly bears the issue of new legislation. In other words, the improved legislation must be executed until December 31, 2020, and if the previous improved legislation is not implemented, the crime of abortion (Article 269, Paragraph 1, Article 270 of the Criminal Code) Article 1 (1) will cease to be effective from 1 January 2021. Therefore, in the following, we will look into the reason of the Constitutional Court's constitutional discordance adjudication on criminal abortion(II), and how it structurally differs from the previous Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court. After considering key issues arised from the constitutional discordance adjudication(III), the legislative direction and within the scope of legislative discretion in accordance with the criteria presented by the Constitutional Court We reviewed the proposed revisions to the Penal Code and the Mather and Child Health Act of Korea(IV).

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.175-209
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• 2020

This paper examines how the cinematic representation of the Japanese military "comfort women" stimulates 'imagination' in the realm of everyday life and in the memory of the masses, creating a common awareness and affect. The history of the Japanese military "comfort women" was hidden for a long time, and it was not until the 1990s that it entered the field of public recognition. Such a transition can be attributed to the external and internal chronopolitics that made possible the testimony of the victims and the discourse of the "comfort women" issue. It shows the peculiar status of the comfort women history as 'politics of time'. In the same vein, the cinematic representations of the Japanese military "comfort women" can be found in similar chronopolitics. The 'comfort women' films have shown the dual time frame of the continuity and discontinuity of the 'silence'. In Korean film history, the chronotope of the reproduction of "comfort women" can be divided into four phases: 1) the fictional representations of "comfort women" before the 1990s 2) documentaries in the late 1990s as the work of testimony and history writing, 3) melodramatic transformation in the feature films in the 2000s, and 4) the diffusion of media and categories. The purpose of this article is to focus on the first phase and the third phase in which the issue of 'comfort women' is represented in the category of popular fiction films. While the "comfort women" representations before 1990 were strictly adhering to the framework of commercial movies and pursued the sexual exploitation of "comfort women" history, the recent films since the 2000s are experimenting with various attempts in the style of popular imagination. Especially, the emergence of 'comfort women' feature films in the 2000s, such as Spirit's Homecoming, I Can Speak, and Herstory, raise various questions as to whether we are "properly" aware of issues and how to remember and present the "cultural memory" of comfort women. Also, focusing on the cinematic representation strategies of the 2000s "comfort women", this article discusses the popular politics of melodrama, the representation of victims and violence, and the feature of 'comfort women' as meta-memory. As a melodramatic imagination and meta-memory for the historical trauma, the "comfort women" drama shows the historical, political, and aesthetic gateways to which the "comfort women" problem must pass. As we have seen in recent fiction films, the issue of "comfort women" goes beyond transnational relations between Korea and Japan; it demands a postcolonial task to dismantle the old colonial structure and explores a transnational project in which women's movements and human rights movements are linked internationally.