• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.135-156
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• 2004

Policymakers' active support as well as broadcasting and telecom industries' endeavors seeking new business opportunities speed up the introduction of a new medium called DMB in Korea. Meanwhile, discussions from a critical perspective concerning the policy rationale, cultural and social implications of DMB and policy processes are rather scanty. The discussion of policy rationale focuses upon whether the rationale to introduce DMB is sufficiently valid. The discussion of DMB's cultural and social bearings is concerned with whether the implications of new media and technology are properly considered in policymaking and that of policy processes questions whether the initial conditions of DMB are appropriately structured. This study explores such issues associated with the introduction of DMB in Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.187-226
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• 2017

North Korea discourse is doubtful. A considerable portion is distorted under political objectives, group identity, and interests. Surely, there are facts based on North Korea's conducts. Apparent deceptions commonly exist as well though. Korean media does not endeavor to set the records straight and there are no revision towards mislead information. This is substantially dangerous as it can misjudge North Korean policies, beget national antipathy, and interferes with rational and constructive policy making. This study stems from such concerns and takes such cases as HEU(Highly Enriched Uranium) suspicion of 2002, dispute covering BDA(Banco Delta Asia)'s counterfeiting, and the abandonment of the Geneva Agreed Framework into consideration. The first part concentrates on fathoming the truth of the three cases. References from US government, academia, think tanks, media were inquired with an addition of secondary material from Korea and China. Secondly it examines whether domestic news properly reflects the precedent facts along the process of discovery. The cause and solution suggested by domestic media were organized and inductively reconstituted to frames. The last study questions the structural factors that reproduces suspicion analogs. Today's dangers facing Korean society are essentially not natural but artificial. This research hopes to foster peace by analyzing related discourses that are infamous to reinterpret reality.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.391-402
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• 2016

The purpose of this research, paying attention on the exaggerated advertisements on online sport media, was to investigate the illegality of the article typed advertisement of online sport media. The results of this research were as follows; First, the article typed advertisements are the assets of the media company as other articles or advertisements. Second, the persons of capacity to act are defined with sport online media, advertiser and customers. Third, the exaggerated advertisements of the sport online media and advertiser are regulated by Korean legal system. Fourth, when victims occurred, the rights of claim for damages could be activated based on the article 750 of the Korean Civil Law. Fifth, the liability for damages may be imposed by Korean Civil Law to the sport online media restrictively.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.31
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• pp.9-49
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• 2005

This research analyzes contents of international news in the North Korean newspapers to examine the relationships between foreign policy of the labor party and propaganda of foreign affairs. The results show that international news of the Rodong shinmun and Minjoo Chosun as the ideological apparatus reflects the recent changes of foreign policy of the Kim Jung-Il regime, aiming at the successful control and mobilization of the people. However, the coverage difference between two newspapers has not been found, which means that the press control of the state is routinized. The relationships between political power and the press in North Korea has been discussed from the perspective of international communication.

• Venture DIGEST
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• s.62
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• pp.5-5
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• 2004

침체된 경제를 살리고 장기적으로 우리 경제의 회생 기반 마련을 위한 원천은 결국‘벤처’라는 인식하에 청와대와 정부 여당이‘벤처 붐’조성을 위해 나서고 있다. 언론 또한 이헌재 부총리의‘벤처회생을 위한 특단대책’, 중기청의‘신벤처정책’등 정부정책에 많은 관심을 갖고‘벤처 재도약’, ‘벤처만이 희망’, ‘벤처신화’등을 주제어로 벤처를 재조명하고 있다.

• 에너지협의회보
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• s.73
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• pp.35-39
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• 2005

WEC는 지금까지 세계적으로 발표된 수많은 장기에너지시나리오와는 전혀 개념이 다른 정책지향적 에너지시나리오를 개발하여정책결정자, 정치인, 언론, 소비자 등 에너지관련 모든 이해 당사자들에게 에너지정책이 어떤 길로 가야할 것인지에 대한 분명한 메시지를 던지고자 이 프로젝트에 착수했다. WEC가2005-07 기간 의욕적으로 추진하고 있는 이 프로젝트의 구상방향과 현재까지의 연구 성과를 소개

• Review of KIISC
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.83-87
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• 2018

무기체계를 대상으로 한 다양한 형태의 사이버 위협에 직면하고 있다. 실제 상대국을 대상으로 한 공격행위도 언론을 통해 발표되고 있다. 무기체계를 대상으로 한 사이버 공격은 실물 공격보다도 더 큰 위력을 발휘하기 때문에 이를 대비하기 위한 보안 검증 강화는 그 무엇보다도 중요하다고 할 수 있다. 본 고에서는 이러한 사이버 위협, 미국과 우리의 보안정책을 알아보고 문제점을 진단하여 현실적 개선방향을 제시하고자 한다.

• Digital Contents
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• no.8 s.99
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• pp.39-43
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• 2001

정부의 업무 중 각 부처간 영역에 있어 중복 부분은 늘 있게 마련이다. 때문에 정부는 각 부처 간 중복 사업 때문에 언론의 지탄을 받기도 했다. 최근 들어서 IT부문의 중복 투자 및 업무영역 분쟁 등으로 언론에 오르내렸던 부분이 관련 부처의 협의를 통해 수정되었다. 특히, 정통부와 산자부, 정통부와 문화부, 정통부와 공정위 등 IT산업의 특성상 정통부와의 업무 중복 논란이 많았던 점을 감안할때 정통부 업무와 관련한 조정이 많았던 것이 특징이다. 더불어 정통부는 정보통신산업 및 정보화의 종합 조정 부처로서의 역할을 담당한다는 것에 합의안을 도출했다. 관련 기관 및 업계에 정보를 전달하기 위해 지난 7월 13일 최종 합의된 정부부처간 경제정책 조정회의 최종안을 게재한다.