This study dealt with the U.S. government's book translation project as a part of its public diplomacy to gain the Korean people's 'minds and thoughts' in the midst of cultural Cold War from the end of World War II to the late 1950s. It was found that the U.S. book translation project was begun during the U.S. military occupation of South Korea, though with minimum efforts, and reached its peak in the late 1950s, In general, the purposes of the U.S. book translation project in South Korea was as follows: to emphasize the supremacy of American political and economic systems; to criticize the irrationality of communism and conflicts in the communist societies; to increase the Korean people's understanding of the U.S. foreign policies; to publicize the achievement of the U.S. people in the areas of arts, literature, and sciences. In the selection of books for translation, any ones were excluded which might contradict to U.S. foreign policy or impair U.S. images abroad. It must be noted that publications of a few Korean writers' books were supported by the project, if they were thought to be in service for its purposes. Even some Japanese books, which were produced by the U.S. book translation project in Japan, were utilized for the best effects of the project in South Korea. It may be conceded that the U.S. book translation project contributed a little bit to the compensation for the dearth of knowledge and information in South Korea at that time. However, the project may have distorted the Korean people's perspectives toward the U.S. and world, owing to the book selection in accordance with the U.S. government's policy guidance.
This study analysed the complicated introduction process of IPTV in Korea, based on the rent seeking theory which is one of an useful economic theory for explaining the dynamic interaction between government and entrepreneurs. Rent seeking theory describes the possibility of lobbying for economic regulations or regulatory capture which refers to collusion between firms and the government agencies assigned to regulate them. The introduction of IPTV(Internet Protocol TV) in Korea was the most controversial policy issue since the beginning of new media business of cable TV in 1995. In addition to the ordinary conflict between the old and new entrepreneurs, IPTV caused the bureaucratic conflicts between the Ministry of Information and Communication and the Korean Broadcasting Commission (Two regulation agencies were merged into KCC(Korean Communications Commission) in 2008). Through the process all related policy players, including the government, pursued their own rent, and it caused vicious circle of continuous rent seeking and mutual distrust among players. Finally, all-directional lobby of pre-IPTV companies brought about the successful entrance to IPTV market and the enactment of IPTV special law which includes deregulation compared to the existing Broadcast Act. Considering the convergence trend of media related laws it means going against the times. Until now, the conflict phenomena occurring in broadcast industry were mostly explained based on the sociological conflict theory. However, the result of this study shows the usefulness and necessity of rent seeking theory because it gives an economic explanation of conflict behavior.
The limitation and scarcity of broadcasting waves provide important rationale behind the idea of public ownership of broadcasting waves which can facilitate communications among people with diverse backgrounds and values in the society. Independence of broadcasting industry from the regulatory organization is imperative for the broadcasting industry to serve the public interest that has been historically defined by each county. For the Korean broadcasting industry, history of modern Korea taught us that the broadcasting regulatory organizations such as Korea Communications Commission(KCC) should be kept from any political influence for the industry to best serve the public. Recent controversies on the role of the CEO of KBS and the appointment of the CEO of YTN by the president of the country provide evidence that the independence of broadcasting in Korean society is a critical topic. This study examined the corporate structures of broadcasting industry and the political independence of the industry in relation to the changes in the concept of public interest and the role of broadcasting. It is critically important to investigate the political independence of broadcasting in Korea because the core argument of independence of broadcasting which is about the freedom of expression protected by the constitution is still contested in the country. For the purpose of collecting diverse perspectives on broadcasting, survey method was adopted in this study. Three groups Abstracts 697 of participants were recruited: reporters, experts in the field, and regular citizens. The result indicated that the independence of broadcasting was in the process of deterioration. Also, the participants of the study understood that it was impossible for the broadcasting to serve the public interest when the broadcasting was not free from the influence of regulatory institutions such as KCC.
This study extracts topics related to university education through newspaper articles and analyzes the characteristics of each topic and the reporting patterns of each newspaper. The 9 topics were discovered using LDA. Topic 1 and Topic 3 are related to university support projects for education, but Topic 3 is focused on local universities. Topic 2 is about university education after COVID-19, Topic 4 teaching-learning methods, Topic 5 government policies, Topic 6 the high school education contribution university support projects, Topic 7 the university education vision, Topic 8 internationalization, and Topic 9 the entrance exam. The Chosun Ilbo, Kyunghyang, and Hankyoreh reported a lot of articles associated to lectures after COVID-19, government policies, and comments on university education. Relevant articles since 2016 have been analyzed by newspaper type and before/after COVID-19 through which differences in the topics were studied and discussed. These findings would suggest a basic policy guideline for university education and imply that the positive and negative effects of the media need to be considered.
Policy problems are complex due to diverse participants and their relations in the policy processes. Defining the right problem in the first place is important because Type III error is likely to happen without removing rival hypothesis in defining the problem. This study applies Boundary Analysis suggested by Dunn to structure IT policy problems in Korea. The time frame of the study focuses on 5 years of Lee Administration and data are collected from four newspapers. Using content analysis, the study, first, elaborates total 2,614 policy problems from 1,908 stakeholders. After removing duplicating problems, 369 problems from 323 stakeholders are identified as a boundary of IT policy problem. Among others, failures in government policies are weighted as the most serious problems in IT policy field. However, many significant problems raised by stakeholders dated back to more than a decade, and those are intrinsic problems, which initially caused by market distortions in the IT industry. Therefore, we should be cautious not to overemphasize the most conspicuous problem as the only problem in the policy field when we interpret results of problem structuring.
The possibility of establishing the committee was increased because of the pledge of the President Moon Jaein for the national education committee. Thus, the purpose of this study was to discuss about its necessity and the meaning of legislation. The study method was to analyze existing studies (concept establishment, overseas cases, and legal research), media materials, and internet materials. It also suggested positive and negative functions in establishing the national education committee. Its positive functions are; first, stability of policy, second, political neutrality, third, seeking the nature of education, and fourth, improvement of possibility. Negative functions are; first, establishing the committee could be poison, second, argument in position and role, third, issue of agreement, and fourth, populism policy oriented.
Media-related regulations can be classified into two categories; regulations of individual media contents and regulations regarding the entry to and withdrawal from a certain field. In this dissertation, ownership regulations are regarded as legal and political measures so as to prevent the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion, and to secure its diversity. Every country has its own regulation model according to its particular media environment. Korea too is obliged to actively respond to its environmental changes, at the same time vitalizing the media industry and protecting consumers' rights and interests. Strong political intentions to protect the public interest is necessary when it comes to media regulation policies, especially in the circumstances that public interest is an industrial priority. As the convergence of broadcasting and telecommunications is leading to a major shift in the media industry, the regulation of cross-media ownership is an issue involving potential conflicts among media-owners, non-governmental organizations and the authorities concerned, depending on their various viewpoints regarding the media industry. In this paper, an attempt was made to search necessity of redefining 'public interest', which is the logic behind the restriction of cross-media ownership, and to reconceptualize issues on the centralization and diversity of media. First, an examination of the actual conditions of newspaper companies was carried out in order to reinvestigate domestic cross-media ownership issues, which is represented by the cross-ownership issue of newspapers and broadcasting stations. Next, the dilemma of policies stimulated by the fusion of media was discussed based on cross-media ownership restrictions, and the need for efficient conflict control was suggested. Finally, proposals on the independency and public confidence of media-related policy-making authorities, the rationalization of regulation models, an itemized discussion on cross-media ownership regulation issues, the elaboration of measures for a balanced development among media were made. It could be found that a number of foreign countries were still facing challenges to prevent monopoly and oligopoly of the public opinion and the industry. A solution to settle disagreements about the dilemma of the media industry, including the cross-media ownership regulation issues, must be arranged on the grounds of 'mutual respect of public interest and industrial interest', In Korea, an ease on the ownership regulations adapting to the change in the media industry may be considered, however the softening of the cross-media ownership regulations must be approached with the utmost care. Paradoxically Relieving cross-media ownership regulations may be considered the foundation of a richer field of journalism, where there is no need for concern over the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion.
As appearing on the stage of social media which expands the private relations to the public relations, the Social Intelligence(SI) is made again prominent in our society. The Public Relations(PR) is in particular related to the SI which means the ability to get along well with other people and to encourage others to cooperate with oneself. It points out the necessity of the study with respect to the impact of SI on the choice of educational major and the adaptation of social media in PR, because the SI is one of the important aptitudes which students who major in Communication and PR would need for actual field. But the result of the research indicates that the SI does not influence the choice of educational major of the students who major in Communication and PR. To make those students go into high level of the SI, the students need the specific education which would enhance and reinforce their SI such as the SPACE Program developed by Albrecht and reorganization of curriculum in the education of Communication and PR. Besides, this study shows that the high level people actively use the social media, for example, Smartphone in order to keep their best relationships.
Along with the change in the values of marriage and the prevalence of non-marriage in Korean society, a new form of family composition called unmarried birth or non-maritalism childbirth has appeared, and social discussion in taking place in connection with the problem of a decrease in the birthrate. Using sentiment analysis and social network analysis, this research explored how the people's sentiment and perception has changed toward 'nonmarital birth.' The data used is comments on news articles from the period of November 2020 to August 2021. As a result of the study, there were a lot of positive comments during the social issue period by marriage, whereas there were many negative comments from the policy agenda to the policy making period. As a result of co-occurrence network analysis, the topic of family norm, policy, and personal aspect appeared. This study is significant in that it revealed that negative perceptions prevailed during the policy-making process after the issue of unmarried births after the issue of unmarried births, and it became a cornerstone of social discussion on unmarried births
This study examines dynamics in election news making. It is important to understand when and how news media produce election news in order to grasp news making and voting behavior. The news media sometimes make election news by focusing on issues and policies. Often they frame elections as a game and focus on election strategies while covering elections. This article argues that as time goes by during the election period, the number of policy news tends to decrease while the frequency of strategic news is likely to increase. Also, TV's and newspapers show distinctive patterns of election news making. In order to examine the arguments, this study categorizes election news stories into policy and strategic news stories produced during the 2020 Korean congressional elections and constructs daily time-series data of them. The results of structural break and regression analyses partially support the arguments.
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