• 사료
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• s.7
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• pp.4-28
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• 2004

태국등동남아시아국가에서 시발된가금인플루엔자가 2003년 12월국내에서처음으로발생되었다. 가금인플루엔자의발생은 비단양계산물뿐만 아니라전체축산물의소비를급감시키며 우리축산업의 생산기반을크게위축시키는결과를 가져왔다. 이는가축질병에 대한 잘못된이해와언론의 그릇된보도의 탓도있으나결국 가장큰원인은 소비자들의축산물 안전성에대한요구를수용치못한 결과이다. 향후 축산물 안전성에 대한소비자들의 욕구는 더욱증대될것이며, 이를 충족시키지못하는 경우축산물에대한소비자들의기피현상은 보다 근본적이고 장기적인 경향으로나타날 수있다. 기히수입개방되어 있는 축산업시장에칠레와의자유무역협정을시작으로 축산물에 대한 관세철폐가현실로다가온시점에서우리 축산물의시장개혁을 위해서는 외국축산물과의차별화 즉, 소비자들의가장큰관심사인 축산물안전성을제고시키는것이다. 이에 국내에서주로발생하거나재발가능성이 높은주요가축질병에 대한증상 및 예방대책등을 알아본다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.39
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• pp.385-427
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• 2007

This study examined the primary tones of news stories and the overall frames which are structuralized by the primary tones in the news reporting of the Private School Law and social conflicts occurring around the law. For this purpose, the study applied Lakoff and Johnson's metaphoric conceptualization to the analysis of the news stories reported in the Chosun Ilbo, the Hankyoreh, and the Kookmin Ilbo, which are considered to represent the audience of the conservative, progressive, and religious forces, respectively. The main goal of this study includes to describe in which manner the newspapers attempt to depict the frames of major social conflicts regarding the Private School Law. The results show that (1) the Chosun Ilbo and the Kookmin Ilbo attempt to structuralize the social conflicts by providing frames of 'freedom is an asset' and a 'war' metaphors; (2) the Kookmin Ilbo applied more frames of a religious metaphor among others; and (3) the Hankyoreh attempts to structuralize the social conflicts by offering frames of 'the front is good, but the rear is bad' and 'war' metaphors, which proves to be the opposite in presenting the overall framing.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.177-183
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• 2012

There occur various crimes in cyber space hiding behind anonymity to avoid punishment by criminal law. One of the most serious crimes committed in cyber space is defamation against others under the cloak of freedom of expression. The infringements by defamations in cyber space are made all of a certain and widespread that the victims have no time to react, and for that reason, the shocks by the defamation are much serious and severe compared with that committed in off line. However, press and publication shouldn't infringe on other's honors, right, public order or social ethics in liberal democrat society which values much the human dignities and values as stipulated in Article 21 section 4 of the Constitution. Protection of personal honor is also the basic rights guaranteed by the Constitution as much as the freedom of expression, and by extension, such harmful behaviour shouldn't be included in the freedom of expression area. In this way, slander can be considered as the minimum limitation of the freedom of expression.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.55
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• pp.5-32
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• 2011

This paper is a comparative analysis of constitutional decisions in which the Korea Consitutional Court and the United States Supreme Court applied the void for vagueness doctrine into free expression issues. Common aspects are: both courts applied the void for vagueness doctrine on the grounds that vague laws bring chilling effect on freedom of expression. Acknowledging inevitable uncertainties in lawmaking and legal jargons, however, both courts required minimum standards in the void for vagueness doctrine. In the cases where unclear legal meanings resulted in constitutional challenges, both courts adopted the "narrowing construction" by the courts or judges based on average/ordinary person's understanding. The biggest differences between the two constitutional courts are their approach to the degrees of vagueness allowed in free expression cases. The U.S. Supreme Court underscored the necessity of narrowly drawn, reasonable and definite standards. Meanwhile, the Korea Constitutional Court relaxed its standards in some cases such as the National Security Law cases, even though it admitted the possibility of curtailing the right to free expression. The Court reasoned that those laws, though vague, brought with bigger social interests and are necessary tools in dealing with changing world.

• Korea Petroleum Association Journal
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• no.2 s.96
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• pp.98-104
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• 1989

일본의 휘발유산출량할당제(P.Q제)가 오는 4월부터 폐지됨에 따라 일본석유업계는 본격적인 자유경쟁시대에 들어선다. 그동안의 업계보호정책으로 인해 체질개선이 늦어진 석유업계인 만큼, 이제 적자생존의 시장경쟁원리가 도입되면 정제 및 원매사는 물론 특약점이나 일선 주유소까지도 치열한 판매경쟁에 휩쓸리게 될 전망이다. 더우기 PQ폐지로 말미암아 업계재편바람이 불 것이라는 예상도 있다. 우리는 타산지석의 감으로, 일본석유업계의 규제완화흐름을 주시하지 않을 수 없으므로 현지언론의 예측을 중심으로 현상과 문제점을 살펴본다. <편집자 주>

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.36
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• pp.399-422
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• 2006

Whether to reduce the current 'screen quota' for domestic films in conjunction with the FTA discussions between Korea and the United States is one of the hotly debated issues in Korea. Using Toulmin's Argumentation Model, this study attempts to trace the use of data and warrants for each pro and con claims as portrayed in newspaper editorial columns and to find its rhetorical significance. A total of 67 editorial columns were collected from 9 nationwide news dailies in Korea for the purpose. The rhetorical analysis of those articles showed that the major warrants used in each pro and con opinion were absent of the potential issues of the opponents, which inherently fails to invite rebuttals from the opposite sides. This conceptual wall in each argumentation models implies an inactive conversation and subsequent absence of clash between the pro and con argumentation fields. It is thus suggested for opinion writers to find more adequate evidences to support the data and warrants to hold persuasive power of their respective claims, ultimately to enhance the public discourse among citizens.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.112-144
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• 2001

This study attempts to analyze how and why Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun produce particular social discourses about the media reform in different ways. In doing so, this paper attempts to disclose the ideological nature of media reform discourses in social contexts. For the purpose, a content analysis method was applied to the analysis of straight news, while an interpretive discourse analysis was appled to analyze both editorials and columns in newspapers. As a theoretical framework, an articulation theory was applied to explain the relationships among social forces, ideological elements, discourse practices and subjects to produce the media reform discourses. In doing so, I attempted to understand the overall conjuncture of the media reform aspects in social contexts. The period for the analysis was limited from January 10th to August 10th this year. Newspaper articles related to the media reform were obtained from the database of newspaper articles, "KINDS," produced by Korean Press Foundation, in searching the key word, "media reform". Total articles to be analyzed were 765, 429 from Hankyoreh Sinmun and 236 from Chosun Ilbo. The research results, first of all, empirically show that both Chosun Ilbo and Hankure Synmun used straight news for their firms' interests and value judgement, in selecting and excluding events related to media reform or in exaggerating and reducing the meanings of the events, although there are differences in a greater or less degree between two newspaper companies. Accordingly, this paper argues that the monopoly of newspaper subscriber by three major newspapers in Korean society could result in the forming of one-sided social consensus about various social issues through the distorting and unequal reporting by them. Second, this paper's discourse analysis related to the media reform indicates that the discourse of ideology confrontation between the right and the left produced by Chosen Ilbo functioned as a mechanism to realize law enforcement of the right in articulating the request of media reform and the anti-communist ideology. It resulted in the discursive effect of suppressing the request of media reform by civic groups and scholars and made many people to consider the media reform as a ideological matter in Korean society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.41
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• pp.268-302
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• 2008

This paper analyzes an NHK's 'Performances of Reform and Revival'. As a result of analysis, it was focused on reinforcement of the management such as audit, corporate governance, compliance, and thus the accountability was insufficient. Generally speaking, public service broadcasting is the form of organization of mass media that is most directly accountable to society. Therefore, the efforts is required for public service broadcasting to figure out to endow the social roles and responsibilities to themselves differentiated from other commercial broadcasters. And it is necessary that the concrete systems and activities based on an answerability model so that public broadcasters fulfill the accountability. Answerability means that broadcasting organizations and journalists both take account of and are accountable to the public. In such a process, the positive and voluntary civic participation is indispensable.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.54
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• pp.32-57
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• 2011

This study examined how the Korean courts have made a balance between rights of school teachers' expression and the public interests derived from regulating their rights for expression in related cases. Under the Korean laws such as National Public Service Law and the Law on Assembly and Demonstration, school teachers are considered as civil servants and basically not allowed to assemble to demonstrate for their own interests. The analysis revealed that in 24 cases from a total of 31 teacher-related court cases, teachers were found guilty in violation of related laws. In deciding whether the teachers' participation on anti-government assembly was guilty or not, the courts put an emphasis on public purpose of their expression, the degree to which their expressions affect the society, and specific contents of their expression. Conclusively, it was found out that in applying the related law, Korean courts tend to overweigh the public interests, rather than the teachers' right to express.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.71-97
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• 2021

The meaning of the amendment to the Media Arbitration Act in our society is not limited to media companies. And it's not just a problem for a specific group. It expresses public value because it is an issue that can affect members of society as a whole and furthermore, it becomes a bill that can infringe or strengthen individual freedom guaranteed by the Constitution, but makes different arguments. Freedom of speech is not achieved in a day and should not be easily lost by someone. Although it is not a frequent problem, fatal threats arising from wrong media reports take away an individual's present and future. It is because of this problem that the responsibility is important. Freedom of speech and control are heading in different directions, but they are the same as the front and back of the coin. The freedom pursued is different, but it consists of one body. If freedom and responsibility of speech made up of one body criticize or ignore each other, the results are scattered into a distorted On the other hand, the flexion of responsibility without freedom serves as a speaker that conveys the ideology of some classes or represents the interests of a particular group. The fact that the media should act as the air of society means that it should represent the interests of the majority, make them aware of the rights of unfair or marginalized members, and be their strength.