• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.31 no.6
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• pp.776-792
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• 2023

This study aims to analyze the traditional attire of four ethnic minority groups in Northeastern China: Daur, Ewenki, Oroqen, and Hezhen, considering their natural environment, lifestyles, and cultural influences. A literature review of academic papers, books, and online resources was conducted, along with indirect investigations through artifacts. The Daur people, being equestrian, have garments with deep slits, vibrant colors, and elaborate decorations. The Ewenki people wear clothes made of fabric in the summer and primarily deer skin in the winter, and their clothing is simple and not flashy. The Oroqen people's clothing typically has slits at the front, back, or on both sides, and they wear a waist belt. The Hezhen people, an ethnic group that primarily hunts and fishes, wear two-piece clothing with a hip-length top and pants or other fur-trimmed garments. All groups incorporate symbolic patterns influenced by Shamanism, along with animal headgear and leather shoes. We observed that the traditional costumes of ethnic minority groups in Northeastern China share many commonalities in form, but there are detailed differences in material, shape, color, and decoration due to unique geographical and climatic characteristics as well as differences in livelihood. Additionally, the structure of clothing varies depending on each tribe's shamanistic practices and lifestyle.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.243-266
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• 2004

This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.