• The Korea Beekeeping Bulletin
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• 통권320호
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• pp.19-19
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• 2007

• Monthly Korean Chicken
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• 통권132호
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• pp.124-125
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• 2006

• 사료
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• 통권18호
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• pp.52-57
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• 2006

• The tire
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• 통권223호
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• pp.4-10
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• 2005

• Science & Technology Policy
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• 제5권11호통권80호
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• pp.109-117
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• 1995

• Railway Journal
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.55-59
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• 2015

• Economic Analysis
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.37-66
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• 2021

This paper examines the potential impacts of COVID-19 on poverty in ASEAN countries. The first estimate, adopted from Summer et al. (2020) and Nonvide (2020), configures three scenarios of contractions in per capita household income or consumption; the impact of each scenario on poverty is calculated using poverty lines at different thresholds. In the second estimate, poverty impacts in 2020 and 2021 were projected using regression models controlling for unobserved country effects, unbalanced data, and endogeneity. COVID-19 has been shown to have negative impacts on poverty reduction in the ASEAN Member States. To reduce poverty, concerted efforts are needed to implement policies for reducing income inequality and promoting economic growth. Such efforts will not only speed up the countries' return to pre-pandemic poverty levels but also contribute to further accelerating poverty reduction.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.

• Informatization Policy
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• 제30권1호
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• pp.89-108
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• 2023

Science, technology and innovation (STI) has expanded the activity of actors from the traditional physical territory to the cyberspace. Data-driven platform services and markets advance new discussions on cross-border cooperation and cyber security, as well as discourse on sovereignty in cyberspace. These changes are also affecting the hegemony competition between the US and China. In particular, competition for aid to developing countries that are located along major resource transportation routes, such as natural gas and deep sea resources, is fierce. ASEAN is not only a geopolitical military and security point where the US and China powers collide, but its population of 600 million has great potential for the development of the digital economy due to its data resources. In this regard, this article aims to connect the discourse of liberalism and authoritarianism with data regulation and cybersecurity in international development cooperation, and derive implications for ASEAN integration through this. This study has significance as a convergence study that links international political issues related to big data in terms of global governance.

• Journal of Wetlands Research
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• 제23권3호
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• pp.224-233
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• 2021

This study analyzed global Knowledge Sharing Platforms and collected stakeholder's suggestions to develop the "Korea-ASEAN Wetland Knowledge Sharing Platform (KSP)." As a result of the analysis, ① financial support and ② knowledge outcomes are essential to maintain the KSP and conduct the platform sustainably. Stakeholder suggest three significant projects (① comparative analysis of the inventory of wetlands in the Korea-ASEAN region, ② knowledge gap analysis in wetland research trends, and ③ establishing a web infrastructure for wetlands information sharing). The "Korea-ASEAN Wetland KSP" defined to be consistent with the international conventions (e.g., Ramsar Convention, Convention on Biological Diversity) goals by comprehensively considering the literature analysis and stakeholder suggestions. Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) selected as the fundamental model of the KSP. As with IPBES, knowledge management and assessment, capacity building, policy support, communication and participation adopted as the platform's core objectives. The KSP will be able to share knowledge related to the same type of wetland ecosystem within the Korea-ASEAN region and provide necessary information for establishing science-based policies.