• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.170-181
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• 2011

This Research will explore the meaning indicated in the landscape meaning and feature of literary group culture, focusing in Gurujeong(九老亭: pavilion for nine elders) and Samgaeseokmun(三溪石門: stone gate in three valleys) located in Dundeok-myun, Imshil-gun, and will seek to understand the implications by studying the cultural landscape spread out in the area. The place where Gurojeong and Samgaeseokmun is located is the meeting point of the three valleys, Dunnam stream, Osu stream, and Yul stream, which is the main location to view the beautiful scenery, which has the nickname as the dwelling place of a celestial being. Especially, based on the description of old maps, "Samgae(three valleys)" and "Samgaeseokmun" possesses significance as a landmark and shows a characteristic feature of landscape structures of low hills. Dangugurohwe(丹丘九老會: nine elders gathering on the dwelling of a celestial being) originated from Hyangsangurohwe(香山九老會: gathering of nine elders on a fragrant mountain), where Baekgeoi(白居易) of China was one of the main people. This group was organized by nine elders over the age of 60 desiring to view the scenery of Doyeonmyeong. The group enhanced the literary spirit on the low hill, erecting a tower, and enjoying the beautiful scenery changing every season with scholars from the same region. This phenomenon seems to have been formed upon the positive response to gatherings of elders, which were prevalent in the Joseon Dynasty. If the internal idea pursued by the group was "longevity," the external idea pursued can be summarized as "the spirit the respect for the elders." Naming the groups as 'Dangudae(place where the celestial being lives), Guseondong(valley of seeking a celestial life), Bangjangsan(mountain of a high priest), and Daecheondae(place of communicating with God) was likely a device to introspect oneself and symbolize one's life process. Furthermore, the reason Samgaeseokmun, which is an imitation of Choi, Chiwon's work, was built near Soyocheo, was probably to yearn the celestial land and based on the desire to follow Choi, Chiwon, who was the most self-fulfilling being presumed to have become a celestial being by practicing the pursuit of freedom, escaping from the reality. After tracing the symbolizing meaning of the four letters carved in the left side of the stone wall of Dangudae, the conclusion that this place was not only a place for literary gatherings of the nine elders of Saseong(four families), but was a place where the celestial being dwelled could be inferred. Corresponding with Dangudae and Gurojeong, which are places where the order of human and nature is harmonized and where its meaning associated with the location intensifies, arouses strong bond, can be said to be the symbol of the traces of celestial beings where the spirits of attachment to a certain place is embedded. The acts performed in Dangugurohwe were those of traditional leisure including strolling, viewing the scenery, drinking, composing poems, and playing instruments, and sometimes listening to stories, tea ceremony, prayers, and fishing were added, which indicates that the gathering had a strong tendency towards pastoral and hermit life.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to consider practical examples of the method of utilizing plant material 'lotus' used by the ancients, and the value and meaning they wanted to get from it. The method of this study to do this is descriptive study to consider and interpret poem and painting reflecting impression and concept world of lotus. Summary of this study is as follows. First, ornamental value of lotus could be divided in effect of group plant and detail value held by the flower, the leaves and the stem. Especially, group plant lotus in large site provides unique landscape differentiated form other flowering plants. As well, another feature of lotus is its high ornamental value spread in detail elements including the flower, the leaves, the stem and the lotus seed. Second, fragrance expressed 'Hyang-won-ik-cheong(香遠益淸)' is an important charm of lotus. Lotus was utilized as olfactory element providing fragrance. The ancients considered lotus fragrance not only for enjoy but as symbolic object comparing noble man's dignity so that they expressed it in poem and painting. Third, lotus was utilized as acoustical element. That is, the sound of raindrops harmonizing the surface of water and wide lotus leaves was called 'hearing lotus fond and rain', enjoying it as classic grace. Fourth, summer play lotus sightseeing was called mind wash up meaning 'washing the mind polluted by the mundane world'. Such poetic taste was widely enjoyed by various classes from general public to royal family. Besides, poetic taste related with lotus is the method of drinking alcohol using the feature of big lotus leave and vacant stem, called 'Beog-tong-ju(碧筒酒)'. And in the Joseon dynasty period, when the distinction between the man and the woman influenced by Confucian, lotus seed and 'lotus collecting song' was important sign to express romance between man and woman. Lotus has been enamored by wide classes transcending cultural background as thought and religion since ancient times. Due to such reasons, various symbolic meaning of lotus and planting examples related to religious facilities as temples could not be considered in various manner is limitation of this study, and which is research project for the future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.33-52
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• 2011

This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.44
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• pp.241-281
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• 2013

First and foremost, a discussion concerning government structure has to be done in connection with the state form and the governmental form. For practical reasons, there is a need to balance the principle of legality and its exceptions under the Government Organization Act. To ensure the flexibility of government structure with respect to the principle of legality, the National Assembly should accept the government structure requested by the newly elected government. This mitigates the rigidity of the principle of the legality within the government organizations. However, excessive changes by each government could violate the principle of legality asked by Constitution. In this sense, arbitrary modification with respect to the government structure by the newly elected government is not desirable. The long term stability of the government organization is required in any case. Secondly, general administrative agencies, other than Executive Ministries, should not be established under the direct order of the President without the control of the Prime Minister. A hierarchy of the executive branch (President->Prime Minister-> Executive Ministries) is stipulated in the Constitution. Establishing a hierarchy of President -> executive institution should be considered unconstitutional. Therefore, only the Presidential Secretariat and institutions with special functions can be established in the Presidential Office. Establishing general administrative agencies in the Presidential Office for convenience purposes is against the spirit of the current Constitution. Consequently, only the office of staffs and special agencies can be placed in the presidential office. It is against the spirit of the current Constitution to found administrative agencies under the presidential office for convenience. Thirdly, the office of the Prime Minister should be the backbone of internal affairs. In that sense, the President, as the head of state, should focus on the big picture such as the direction of the State, while the Cabinet headed by the Prime Minister should be responsible for the daily affairs of the State. The cabinet surrounding the Prime Minister must control all the ordinary affairs of the State, while the President, as the head of the State, should focus on the big picture of blueprinting the aim of the State. Lastly, the Office of the Prime Minister and Executive Ministries are the two main bodies of the executive branch. It is important to reduce the confusion caused by repeated changes in the names of Executive Ministries, to restore the traditional names and authorities of these institutions, and to rehabilitate the legitimacy of the State. For the Korean democracy to take its roots, a systematic way of stabilizing a law-governed democratic country is needed. There is also the need not only to reform security and economic agencies, but also to rationally solve the integration of technique and policy, according to the changes of time.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.163-191
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• 2017

This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.213-247
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• 2018

Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.159-212
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• 2018

This paper is focused on analyzing the social environment of a rapidly changing on Vietnamese company. The key analysis of this study is on the change of perception in Vietnam and the regional difference of CSR acception. The social acceptance research of CSR is centered on the comparative analysis of Korean, Japanese and Chinese companies Social Activities in Vietnam. In addition, This paper seek to way of contribute to the sustainable development of Korean companies, and its harmonious cooperation with Vietnamese society through reviewing the CSR activities and direction of their CSR expectation. In the paper, linkage analysis was conducted with the results of the study on CSR value development process in Vietnam society and analysis of social responsibility values obtained from empirical studies. Through this, finally, we trying to search the value of social responsibility in Vietnam and its future directions. When we understand Vietnam's CSR, based on 'locality' of Vietnam, Northern and Southern can be understand on its different backgrounds. And it can be analyzed by their CSR characteristics of acception. As the result of this research, In the North, Foreign companies' CSR is understanded to be viewed from the corporate economic income and distribution. In the South, there is a strong tendency to understand CSR activities of foreign companies as marketing activities. On the whole, In northern Hanoi, there was a strong expectation in terms of 'employment improvement' and 'workers' working conditions'. In the South, there was a greater interest in improving the 'quality of life of residents' and 'consumer protection'. This is due to the influence of the economic system experienced during the process of different colonization, modernization and communization between the two regions. Since the Reform and Opening of Vietnam, Social Awareness of CSR seems that the regional differences were formed by the pace of economic development and the economic environment has played a role. In particular, the social acceptance of CSR values showed a slight difference in recognition between the North and South regions, but as both regions showed common hope for 'intervention in the role of government'. Therefore, Social Awareness of Vietnam's CSR is based on relation of 'government-society' formed from the 'Communitarianism'. As foreign investment flows more, CSR awareness and expectations in Vietnam's society will increase further. And the CSR expectations of local governments and stakeholder will be more complicated. It is time to check the needs of Vietnamese society in relation to locality of the social responsibility activities.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.215-240
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• 2018

In this paper, the contents about funeral rites in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial"(儀禮) were compared to those in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. The most direct and systematic document related to funeral rites is "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Some of its contents had been reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, such as "Zuo Zhuan", "Mozi" and "Xunzi", while others didn't agree with one another. It happened because some contents had been already reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought in the process of establishing scriptures about manners including the ancient "Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial", and because, on the contrary, the contents of the books of Hundred Schools of Thought had become included in the scriptures about manners by following Confucianism. First, the basic contents of Chapter 'Mourning Clothes' in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" were generally reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, and there are many contents in common. Most prominently, three-year-mourning for parents and a king had been enhanced in Confucianism commonly. Although Mohism opposed Confucian luxurious and long funerals (厚葬久喪), the mourning clothing system in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" can be said to have been people's universal understanding until the Spring and Autumn period at least. In addition, it has been verified that there were differences in the mourning clothes depending on the one who wore them was an adult or not both in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. On the other hand, many arguments in the contents about funeral rites reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought were different from the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". In particular, the mourning clothes for parents reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought showed that there were differences depending on social positions, which was dissimilar to the regulations in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Also, different from the mourning clothes system for parents and a king, the system for a wife and a concubine was dissimilar to the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" in many ways. Since the regulations of Chapter of 'Mourning Clothes' in the present version of "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" suggest different mourning clothes and periods depending on who wears the mourning clothes and what social position the deceased had, it seems difficult to implement them strictly historically as well as at those times. Especially, while the funeral rituals for a child was relatively clear based on the parent-child relationship of "affection" and those for a king and parents were plainly regulated and emphasized, the rules of those for a vassal and a wife were absent or ambiguous in many cases. Therefore, the term of "the Theee Bonds"(三綱) appeared first in Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒)'s "Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals"(春秋繁露) that reflected the ideology of political ethics of Han Dynasty(漢代), but regarding its contents, it can be said to have been already reflected in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial".