• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.291-301
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• 1998

Purpose : A retrospective study was conducted comparing single daily fraction (SDF) thoracic radiotherapy (TRT) with twice daily (BID) TRT to determine the potential benefit of BID TRT in limited-stage small cell lung cancer (SCLC). Endpoints of the study were response. survival, pattern of failure, and acute toxicity. Materials and Methods : Between November 1989 to December 1996, 78 patients with histologically proven limited-stage SCLC were treated at the Department of Therapeutic Radiology, Chungnam National University Hospital. Of these, 9 were irradiated for palliative intent, and 1 had recurrent disease. Remaining 68 patients were enrolled in this study. There were 26 patients with a median age of 58 years, and 22 (85$\%$) ECOG performance score of less than 1 in SDF TRT. There were 42 patients with a median age of 57 years, and 36 (86$\%$) ECOG performance score of less than 1 in BID TRT By radiation fractionation regimen, there were 26 in SDF TRT and 42 in BID TRT. SDF TRT consisted of 180 cGy, 5 days a week. BID TRT consisted of 150 cGy BID, 5 days a week in 13 of 42 and 120 cGy BID, in 29 of 42. And the twice daily fractions were separated by at least 4 hours. Total radiotherapy doses were between 5040 and 6940 cGy (median, 5040 cGy) in SDF TRT and was between 4320 and 5100 cGy (median, 4560 cGy) in BID TRT. Prophylactic cranial irradiation (PCI) was recommended for patients who achieved a CR. The recommended PCI dose was 2500 cGy/10 fractions. Chemotherapy consisted of CAV (cytoxan 1000 mg/$m^2$, adriamycin 40 mg/$m^2$, vincristine 1 mg/$m^2$) alternating with VPP (cisplatin 60 mg/$m^2$, etoposide 100 mg/$m^2$) every 3 weeks in 25 (96$\%$) of SDF TRT and in 40 (95$\%$) of BID TRT. Median cycle of chemotherapy was six in both group. Timing for chemotherapy was sequential in 23 of SDF TRT and in 3 BID TRT, and concurrent in 3 of SDF TRT and in 39 of BID TRT Follow-up ranged from 2 to 99 months (median, 14 months) in both groups. Results : Of the 26 SDF TRT, 9 (35$\%$) achieved a complete response (CR) and 14 (54$\%$) experienced a partial response (PR). Of the 42 BID TRT, 18 (43$\%$) achieved a CR and 23 (55$\%$) experienced a PR. There was no significant response difference between the two arms (p=0.119). Overall median and 2-year survival were 15 months and 26.8$\%$, respectively. The 2-year survivals were 26.9$\%$ and 28$\%$ in both arm, respectively (p=0.51). The 2-rear survivals were 35$\%$ in CR and 24.2$\%$ in PR, respectively. The grade 2 to 3 esophageal toxicities and grade 2 to 4 neutropenias were more common in BID TRT (p=0.028 0.003). There was no difference in locoregional and distant metastasis between the two arms (p=0 125 and 0.335, respectively). The most common site of distant metastasis was the brain. Conclusion : The median survival and 2-year survival were 17 months and 20.9$\%$ in SDF TRT with sequential chemotherapy, and 15 months and 28$\%$ in BID TRT with concurrent chemotherapy, respectively. We did not observe a substantial improvement of long-term survival in the BID TRT with concurrent chemotherapy compared with standard schedules of SDF TRT with sequential chemotherapy. The grade 2 to 3 esophageal toxicities and glade 2 to 4 neutropenias were more common in BID TRT with concurrent chemotherapy. Although the acute toxicities were more common in BID TRT with concurrent chemotherapy than SDF TRT with sequential chemotherapy, a concurrent chemotherapy and twice daily TRT was feasible. However further patient accrual and long-term follow up are needed to determine the potential benefits of BID TRT in limited-stage SCLC.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.295-347
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• 2013

Korea launched the science satellite by the first launch vehicle Naro-ho(KSLV-1) at the Naro Space Center located at Oinarodo, Cohenggun Jellanamdo in August, 2009 and October, 2010. However, the first and second launch failed. At last, on January 30, 2013 the third launch of the launch vehicle Naro-ho has successfully launched and the Naro science satellite penetrated into the space orbit. Owing to the succeed of the launch of Naro-ho, Korea joined the space club by the eleventh turn following the United States, Russia, Japan and China. The United Nations adopted the Outer Space Treaty of 1967, the Rescue Agreement of 1968, the Liability Convention of 1972, the Regislation Convention of 1976, and Moon Agreement of 1979. Korea ratified the above space-related treaties except the Moon Agreement. Such space-related treaties regulate the international liability for the space activity by the launching state of the space object. Especially the Outer Space Treaty regulates the principle concerning the state's liability for the space activity. Each State Party to the Treaty that launches or procures the launching of an object into outer space is internationally liable for damage to another State Party or to its natural or judicial persons by such object or its component parts on the earth, in air space or in outer space. Under the Liability Convention, a launching state shall be absolutely liable to pay compensation for damage caused by its space object on the surface of the earth or to aircraft in flight. The major nations of the world made national legislations to observe the above space-related treaties, and to promote the space development, and to regulate the space activity. In Korea, the United States, Russia and Japan, the national space-related legislation regulates the government's liability of the launching state of the space object. The national space-related legislations of the major nations are as follows : the Outer Space Development Promotion Act and Outer Space Damage Compensation Act of Korea, the National Aeronautic and Space Act and Commercial Space Launch Act of the United States, the Law on Space Activity of Russia, and the Law concerning Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency and Space Basic Act of Japan. In order to implement the government's liability of the launching state of space object under space-related treaties and national legislations, and to establish the standing as a strong space nation, Korea shall improve the space-related policy, laws and system as follows : Firstly, the legal system relating to the space development and the space activity shall be maintained. For this matter, the legal arrangement and maintenance shall be made to implement the government's policy and regulation relating to the space development and space activity. Also the legal system shall be maintained in accordance with the elements for consideration when enacting the national legislation relevant to the peaceful exploration and use of outer space adopted by UN COPUOS. Secondly, the liability system for the space damage shall be improved. For this matter, the articles relating to the liability for the damage and the right of claiming compensation for the expense already paid for the damage in case of the joint launch and consigned launch shall be regulated newly. Thirdly, the preservation policy for the space environment shall be established. For this matter, the consideration and preservation policy of the environment in the space development and use shall be established. Also the rule to mitigate the space debris shall be adopted. Fourthly, the international cooperation relating to the space activity shall be promoted. For this matter, the international cooperation obligation of the nation in the exploration and use of outer space shall be observed. Also through the international space-related cooperation, Korea shall secure the capacity of the space development and enter into the space advanced nation.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.30-46
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• 1992

Korea's first exploratory tuna fishing was done with a used longliner in 1957. Then the commercial fishing has been made steady headway since the 1960's and grown up to one of major tuna fishing countries in 1970's. The tuna fishing aimed primarily at acquiring foreign currency, then tuna was exported directly from the overseas fishing base. Tuna, however, has been gradually favored by Koreans as high-proteined foods according to the growth of GNP since the 1970's. In 1980, the canned tuna began to be produced and sold at home. And so the demand of raw tuna for cannaries has steeply increased not only for home but also for abroad, and stimulated the development of tuna purse seine fishery. The author carried out a study on the development of tuna purse seine fishery in Korea and countries concerned-the United States and Japan-because it is recognized to be significant for the further development of this fishery. Just as purse seining was originated in the United States, so tuna purse seining was also pioneered by Californian fishermen in the west coastal waters of the United States (Eastern Pacific Ocean). They started to produce the canned tuna in the early 1900's, and the demand for raw tuna began to be increased rapidly. In those days, tuna was mostly caught by pole-and-line, but the catch amount was far away from the demand. To satisfy this demand, they began to try out fishing tuna by the use of purse seine which had been born in the eastern waters in the 1820's and applied to catch white fishes in the western waters of the United States in those days. Even though their trial was technically successful through severe trial and error, a new problem was raised on the management of tuna resource and the preservation of porpoise which was occassionally caught with tuna. Then the Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission (IATTC) was established by countries neighboring to the United States in 1950 and they set up the Commission's Yellowfin Regulatory Area (CYRA) and regulated the annual quota for yellowfin. Then, American owners tried to send their seiners to the Western African waters to expand the fishing ground in 1967 and to the Centeral-Western Pacfic in 1974, and the fishing ground was widely expanded. The number of the United States' purse seiners amounted to about 150 in 1980, but the enthusiasm was gradually cooled thereafter and the number of seiner was decreased to 67 in 1986. The landing of tuna by purse seiners in the United States after 1980 maintains 200 thousands M/T or so with a little increase despite the decreasing of domestic seiners. This shows that the landing by foreign seiners are increasing, compared with the landing by domestic seiners are decreasing. In Japan, even though purse seining was introduced in 1880, they had fished tuna by longline and pole-and -line until the tuna purse seining was introduced from the United States again. In the 1960's, Japanese tuna seiners made the exploratory fishing in the South-western Pacific and West African waters with a limited success. In 1971, the government-funded research center "JARMRAC" conducted the exploratory fishing which extended to the Central American waters, the Asia-Pacific Region and the South-western Pacific. It had also much difficulties, till they improved the fishing gear adaptable to the new fishing condition in the South-western Pacific. Japanese government has begun to licence 32 single seiners and 7 group seiners since 1980 and their standard has lasted up to now. The catch in the Pacific Islands Region amounted to 160 thousands M/T in 1986. Korea's tuna purse seine fishery was originated in 1971 by Jedong Industrial Co., Ltd. with three used tuna purse seiners purchased from the United States, and they began to fish in the Eastern Pacific, but failed owing to the superannuation of vessel and the infancy of fishing technique. The second challenge was done by Dongwon Industrial Co., Ltd. in 1979, with one used seiner purchased from the United States, and started to fish in the Eastern Pacific. Even though the first trial was almost unsuccessful but they could obtain the noticeable success by removing the vessel to the South-western Pacific in 1980. This success stimulated the Korean entherprisers to take part in this fishery, and the number of Korean tuna purse seiners has been increased rapidly in accordance with the increased demand for raw tuna. The number of vessels actually at work amounted to 36 in 1990 and they operate in the South-western Pacific. The annual catch of tuna by purse seiners amounted to 170 thousands M/T in 1990 and ranked to one of the major tuna purse seining countries in the world.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.694-708
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• 2009

The principal objective of this study was to determine the effects of smoking & drinking on the diet, nutrient intake, and overall health. A sample of 262 youths, aged 16 to 18 year-old, was randomly selected from Seoul and its vicinity. The subjects participated by answering survey questions including general questions, questions regarding health, smoking & drinking habits, dietary habits, nutrient intake, physical characteristics, and smoking cessation plans. The average height, weight, and BMI of the subjects were $173.5{\pm}6.8\;cm$, $64.8{\pm}11.8\;kg$, and $21.4{\pm}3.7\;kg/m^2$, respectively. Among the subjects, 88% appeared to be interested in health and 43.5% of youth asserted that the best way to keep healthy was to engage in regular exercise. Among 63 smokers, 52 students (82.5%) used alcoholic beverages while 11 students (17.5%) did not use alcoholic beverages, meaning that smoking was a causative factor in drinking. 55.6% of youth reported beginning to smoke in middle school, and 38.1% of them asserted that curiosity was the motive for smoking. The youth reported that the craving for smoking was highest when hungry, and the best place to smoke was the restroom. 20 students (69.0%) answered that the only way to quit smoking was just to stop. 12 students (44.4%) reported that the main reason for failures in smoking cessation attempts was a lack of intention or willpower. 87.1% of all subjects answered that they were inclined to quit smoking, and 56.7% of them would be interested in attending a smoking cessation program if they had the opportunity. Among the smoking and drinking group, 50% of drinkers began to drink in high school, and the reason for drinking given was peer pressure-40% of drinkers answered that they wished to quit drinking. 34.4% of students appeared to have breakfast everyday, but 16.4% of students answered that they had quit eating breakfast. 52.5% of all students reported that the principal reason for overeating was the presence of one's favorite food, and the smoking and drinking group reported overeating more frequently than other groups (p<0.05). 72.6% of all subjects reported eating interim meals $1{\sim}2$ times daily, 36.4% of smokers ate carbonated beverages, 38.5% ate ice cream as a interim meal, and 38.5% of the drinking and smoking groups ate fruits, 26.9% of them ate fried foods, and some of them ate fast foods as a interim meal. Among smokers, the ratio of eating fat-rich foods, and meats such as kalbi and samgyupsal more than two times per week was higher, and 54.3% of smokers ate ice cream, cookies, and carbonated beverages more than two times per week (p<0.05). The total nutrient intake of the $15{\sim}19$-year youth group was much higher than the standard value. The energy intake of the smoking group and the drinking and smoking group was significantly higher than that of the normal group (p<0.05). Intakes of phosphorus (p<0.05), cholesterol (p<0.05), and sodium (p<0.05) were the highest among all groups. Accordingly, it is recommended that practical education programs be implemented to teach young students to resist peer pressures to smoke and drink. Additionally, education that acknowledges the importance of nutrition is necessary to avoid preferential eating and overeating due to smoking and drinking.such education can also teach students to eat a balanced diet and improve their physical development.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.