• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.138
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• pp.24-25
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• 1993

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.23
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• pp.167-189
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• 2011

In modern Spanish culture, there is not other cineaste who has explored the controversial topic of sexuality deeper and more reiterative ways than Pedro $Almod{\acute{o}}var$. In our opinion, $Educaci{\acute{o}}n$> fundamentally, is a metaphoric work about the corruption of the Catholicism during Francisco Franco regime in Spain. This movie is a brilliant and solid critic to the abuses suffered by a child in a religious school during the Franco regime. This movie is about the forbidden desire in Catholicism and the tragic end of a priest. Father Manolo sexually abused one of his students at the school; as a result, this student loses his sexual identity and ends up ruining his own life due to using drugs. Eventually he is revenged by his younger brother. On this movie, $Educaci{\acute{o}}n$>, Pedro $Almod{\acute{o}}var$ portrays a sentiment of anticlericalism and blasphemy against God and Jesus Christ through a story which contains homosexual scenes and direct quotations of biblical cites, such as the expulsion of the merchants and sellers out of the temple in Jerusalem in the Mathew gospel to insinuate Jesus'lack of charity and love to others. We conclude that Almodovar's description of the fallout of this priest, caused by his forbidden desire, is not only beyond anti-Catholicism but it can also be seen as an actual reflection of the cultural and sexual change in the European and, in particular, Spanish society.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.213-243
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• 2017

In the first half of 2016, Indonesian President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo continued his efforts to secure support from major political parties, often benefiting from internal party conflicts. During the tense campaign for the 2017 Jakarta gubernational election, however, blasphemy charges against incumbent "Ahok", an ethnic Chinese and Christian, put Jokowi in trouble. Led by radical Islamic organizations such as Front Pembela Islam (FPI), half a million people filled Jakarta's streets, calling for Ahok's arrest. The resurgence of identity politics questioned the boundaries of the Indonesian nation and its core premises on the relationship between religion and the state. In the realm of foreign policies, the Jokowi administration maintained its tougher stance against illegal fishing in its waters. In spite of Indonesia's clashes with Chinese vessels in the Natuna sea, however, it is unlikely that the tension will escalate uncontrollably, as the Jokowi administration is seeking investment from rich neighbors for building infrastructure, which will be his key legacy for the 2019 presidential election.