• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.45-70
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• 2006

China has achieved great economic growth above 9% annual since it changed to more of a market economy system by its reform and open-door policy. At the same time, China has experienced severe ecological deterioration, such as air and water pollutions caused by its rapid urbanization and industrialization. China is now confronted with environmental pollution and ecological deterioration at a critical point, at which economic development in China is limited. Moreover, environmental problems in China have become a lit fuse for social fluctuation beyond pollution problems. The root and background of environmental problems in China, firstly, are its government's lack of understanding of these problems and incorrect economic policies affected by political and ideological prejudice. Secondly, the plundering of resources, 'the principle of development first' which didn't consider environmental sustainability is another source of environmental deterioration in China. In addition, a huge population and poverty in China have increased the difficulty in solving its environmental problems, and in fact have accelerated them. The Chinese government has established many environmental laws and institutions, increased environmental investments, and is enlarging the participation of NGOs and the general public in some limited scale to solve its environmental problems. However, it has not obtained effective results because of the lack of environmental investments owing to the government's limit of the development phase, a structural limit of law enforcement and local protectionism, and the limit of political independency in NGOs and the lack of public participation in China. It seems that China remains in the stage of 'economic development first, environmental protection second', contrary to its catch-phrase of 'the harmony between economic development and environmental protection'. China is now confronted with dual pressure both domestically and abroad because of deepening environmental problems. There are growing public's protests and demonstrations in China in response to the spread of damage owing to environmental pollution and ecological deterioration. On the other hand, international society, in particular neighboring countries, regard China as a principal cause of ecological disaster. In the face of this dual pressure, China is presently contemplating a 'recycling economy' that helps sustainable development through the structural reform of industries using too much energy and through more severe law enforcement than now. Therefore, it is desirable to promote regional cooperation more progressively and practically in the direction of building China's ability to solve environmental problems.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.36
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• pp.139-176
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• 2013

It is believed that the Koryo dynasty era is the period which has very special meaning with regard to the history of the VIP guard system. The guard system in the early Koryo dynasty time focused on the official protection for kings and their families with absolute royal authority. On the contrary, the guard system in the late Koryo dynasty time, especially military regime period, conducted providing private protection for military rulers and increasing their power. The official guard troops named 2Gun6Wii became just perfunctory organizations at that time. That is the reason why this study develops the discussion only about the guard system of the early Koryo time. The official VIP guard organizations under the government structure of the early Koryo period were Naegoonbu, Byeongbu and Joongchoowon. This study particularly reviewed the Joongchoowon with thorough research. In the meantime, the guard organizations under the military chart of the early Koryo period were 2Gun6Wii, Gonghakgoon, Geonryonggun and so on. 2Gun consisted of ungyanggun and yonghogun. They were the royal bodyguards. This study especially tried to review the substance of the Gonghakgoon, Geonryonggun with different point of view from other theories. The Gumowwii, one of 6 Wii, conducted many official duties such as royal palace protection, capital city Gaesung defence, area patrols, criminal apprehension and disturbance prevention. It also accomplished crowd control and convoy mission at the streets to respond emergency cases while carrying out VIP protection roles for kings and Chinese diplomats. Many bibliographies verified that the Chunwoowii was the royal bodyguards which helped kings during state ceremonies and grand meetings held by kings. Consequentially, it is true that this study discovered, analyzed and evaluated various references and research materials related with the guard system. It is meaningful that this study newly reviewed the organizations and functions of the guard system as one structure.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.153-158
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• 1973

This report was presented to explain the relationships between various soil pH based on the present land use, nodes of depositions, and pH measurement methods ($H_2O$ and KCl extract). The samples were collected from 160 soil series in Korea. The results were summarized as follows. 1. The average pH ($H_2O$) of surface soil were $5.3{\pm}0.6$ for paddy soils, $5.5{\pm}0.9$ for upland, $5.4{\pm}0.5$ for forest soils, $5.3{\pm}0.6$ for grassland and $5.4{\pm}0.7$ for country average. 2. The average pH (KCl) of surface soil were $4.2{\pm}0.6$ for representative soils. Paddy soils had $4.2{\pm}0.6$; upland $4.2{\pm}0.8$; forest soils, $4.0{\pm}0.6$; and grassland, $4.3{\pm}0.6$. 3. The soil pH in B and C horizons were generally higher than that of A horizons. 4. The soil pH in field were correlated with lab. soil pH ($H_2O$) and pH (KCl). Field soil pH measured by pH kit could be highly accepted in accuracy compared with lab. pH of upland, grassland, forest and paddy soils. 5. Soil pH ($H_2O$) of surface based on mode of depositions was generally higher in residuum of mountainous and hilly land than those of Fluvio-marine deposits and old alluvium, however soil pH (KCl) was higher in fiuvio-marine deposits than those of mountainous and hilly land. It was shown that soil pH (KCl) was more reasonable than that of soil pH ($H_2O$) in practical use.

• Journal of Korean Orthopaedic Sports Medicine
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.110-114
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• 2007

Purpose: This study evaluate clinical findings & management of rhabdomyolysis after strenuous activities in military police recruit. Materials and Methods: This study was carried out from June $1^{st}$, 2004 and May $23^{nd}$, 2005. The study subjects were 13 military police recruit patients who were admitted to our hospital with intractable muscle pain and swelling, and had suspicions of Rhabdomyolysis. The patients were given various blood tests (CPK, CK-MB, AST, BUN/Cr, and Electrolyte) and clinically observed. The patients were all males, and their average age was 20 $(19\sim21)$ years. Seven cases were due to push-up exercises, 5 was due to a soccer game, and 1 was due to riot control activities. The patients complained of swelling and tenderness in various parts of the extremities. Four complained of swelling and tenderness in forearm, 3 in upper arm, 1 in shoulder, and 5 in lower extremity. The diagnosis of rhabdomyolysis was made if the patient complained clinical symptom and had a blood CPK level of above 1,000 IU/L at the time of admission. Patients who took medication or had medical problem were excluded from this study. Bone scans were taken of all patients 4 hours after giving 99mTc-MDP 20mCi intravenously. Treatment was bed rest and fluid therapy. Patients who complained of excessive pain were given splint immobilization. Results: The average hospitalization day for the 13 patients was 20 days ($14\sim42$ days). Excluding one patient who exhibited ARF at time of admission, all patients showed a decrease of blood CPK below 1000 IU/L at an average hospitalization time of 8 days ($2\sim11$ days). The patient with ARF recovered after hemodialysis and fluid therapy. Conclusion: Patients complaining of swelling and severe muscle pain after excessive exercise or training should be suspicious of exercise induced rhabdomyolysis, and should be given blood tests and fluid therapy immediately.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.108-147
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• 2009

This study explores the news frames on the U. S. beef imports and candlelight vigils covered by the two national dailies such as ChosunIlbo and the Hankyoreh Shinmun; the KwangwonIlbo, a local daily. The news frames extracted based on the models of Iyengar(1987), Semetko & Valkenburg(2000) and other researchers are attribution of responsibility, economic sequences, protest against the authorities, national health and governmental public relations and so on. The result shows that the news reports are consisted of the straight news(75.9%), feature stories(11.7%) and editorials(6.3%). More specifically, there is a comparatively hight ratio of editorials(11.0%) for the ChosunIlbo, feature stories(20.9%) for the Hankyoreh, and the straight news(89.7%) for the KwangwonIlbo. In terms of the news frames stressed by the three dailies, the ChosunIlbo focuses and stresses on the national health(17.8%) and the attribution of responsibilities(10.6%). However, the Hankyoreh have a tendency to stress on the protest against the authorities(31.3%) and attribution of responsibilities(38.4%); the KwangwonIlbo, focuses on the protest against the authorities(38.4%) and the economic sequences(17.9%). Finally, in the case of the main characteristics of the dailies, the governmental public relations frame is found only on the ChosunIlbo that has a comparatively high ratio; the Hankyoreh also has a high ratio of the feature stories on the U. S. beef imports. Even thought the KwangwonIlbo has a high ratio of the economic sequence frame, the ratio of opinion pages, such as editorial and columns, the local newspaper has not spoken up for the potential economic crisis of the local Kwangwon province beef industry, mainly caused by the U. S. import beef.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.5-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.135-174
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• 2020

The article focuses on the student activism experience of the 1990s and 2010s and on the accumulation of everyday experiences created by the conditions of the 2010s against the backdrop of differences in how the composition of 'we' is portrayed in oral narrative. What stands out in the 90s oral narratives on student activism experiences, which were compiled in the 2010s, is the distancing of the culture of student activism at that time. In the words of speakers who experienced university life in the 1990s, the culture of student activism at the university was created through private relationships, and was, needless to say, considered 'natural'. At the same time, however, the 'natural' is said to be 'abnormal' or 'strange' in the context of the 2010s in which it is being talked about, and is meant to be an experience with a certain distance from the present speakers. This aspect is associated with the conditions under which the experience of the 90s is being described in the 2010s. The present, which explains past experiences to speakers, was explained after the 2016 candlelight protest and Gangnam Station femicide protest, and is described as a world that is qualitatively different from before, and is located as an opportunity to create a critical distance from past experiences. This qualitative change, which raises suspicions about the homogenous "we", is based on a newly acquired sense of gender sensitivity, living since the mid-2010s, when gentler issues were the biggest topic in Korean society, among others. In the 2010s, the composition of 'we' is no longer understood as a community of people who share any commonality, but as individuals who unite despite numerous differences. This reveals the experiences of those who have already embodied this in their everyday senses in the 2010s. The 'we' they formed should have nothing to do with private relationships, nor was homogeneity considered the most prominent group, so it was nothing that could explain the 'me' at the time of the demonstration and outside of the venue. It was in that context that the relevant experience was described in a cautious manner throughout. This, in turn, raises the need to ask and understand a new sense of student activism and, moreover, social movements and the sense of unity as 'we'. It should also be asked who is the main body of the movement and what is the use of asking it. Soon, the need and meaning of defining the fixed identity of 'we' in the movement should be questioned. Therefore, it should be asked what fixed positions or coordinates can really represent someone's position.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.61-82
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• 2011

Public resistance is an essential factor of the democratization process. Due to this, public resistance has been recognized as an important element in discussing the democratization of China. Recently in China, and a new era of resistance especially the agrarian resistance has been being expanded. This paper identifies trends and characteristics of that. With searching changes in the relationship between the nation and the societies in China, we will check whether democratization can be built from the whole bottom of the nation's ideology or not. It is a paradox of china's economic growth that the peasant uprising increased is a factor to the growth. The farmers' smoldering discontent exploded with rage because rural communities have been forced to sacrifice during the growth. The authoritarian party-state system in China has been faced with the limits in calming the peasant revolt down with the traditional suppression and restriction. Even though the party-state system in China has accepted farmers' dissatisfaction somewhat, and it has tried to improve its image of a benevolent government and pursued buying stability strategy, the gap between urban and rural areas has been expanded in the sustainable economic development and modernization process, therefore the authorities could not soothe the farmers' sense of alienation. Accordingly, the peasant revolt has not flickered out easily, and has been getting uncontrolled across China. Resistance characteristics of Chinese farmers have also changed. In the past, they had been sporadic and indirect ways, whereas in recent years, they have changed into organized and active ways. Of course, it is generally evaluated that the party-state system has sustained a strong social control so far. Buying stability strategy has prevented farmers' complaints from spreading to a threat to its regime, because civil societies in rural areas have still weak foundations from being formed. The party-state system, because of tensions and conflicts, will control the growing powers of civil societies in rural areas with institutionalization of interaction between the nation and the societies, and they will induce street protests to legalized struggle for a while. However, the relationship between the state and the societies has already started new rearrangement, in terms of that the conflicts between the state and rural communities have continued, and the changes of resistance ways.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.18
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• pp.135-183
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• 2003

Aerospace force is a determining factor in a modem war. The combat field is expanding to space. Thus, the legitimacy of establishing aerospace force is no longer an debating issue, but "how should we establish aerospace force" has become an issue to the military. The standard limiting on the military use of space should be non-aggressive use as asserted by the U.S., rather than non-military use as asserted by the former Soviet Union. The former Soviet Union's argument is not even strongly supported by the current Russia government, and realistically is hard to be applied. Thus, the multi-purpose satellite used for military surveillance or a commercial satellite employed for military communication are allowed under the U.S. principle of peaceful use of space. In this regard, Air Force may be free to develop a military surveillance satellite and a communication satellite with civilian research institute. Although MTCR, entered into with the U.S., restricts the development of space-launching vehicle for the export purpose, the development of space-launching vehicle by the Korea Air Force or Korea Aerospace Research Institute is beyond the scope of application of MTCR, and Air Force may just operate a satellite in the orbit for the military purpose. The primary task for multi-purpose satellite is a remote sensing; SAR sensor with high resolution is mainly employed for military use. Therefore, a system that enables Air Force, the Korea Aerospace Research Institute, and Agency for Defense Development to conduct joint-research and development should be instituted. U.S. Air Force has dismantled its own space-launching vehicle step by step, and, instead, has increased using private space launching vehicle. In addition, Military communication has been operated separately from civil communication services or broadcasting services due to the special circumstances unique to the military setting. However, joint-operation of communication facility by the military and civil users is preferred because this reduces financial burden resulting from separate operation of military satellite. During the Gulf War, U.S. armed forces employed commercial satellites for its military communication. Korea's participation in space technology research is a little bit behind in time, considering its economic scale. In terms of budget, Korea is to spend 5 trillion won for 15 years for the space activities. However, Japan has 2 trillion won annul budget for the same activities. Because the development of space industry during initial fostering period does not apply to profit-making business, government supports are inevitable. All space development programs of other foreign countries are entirely supported by each government, and, only recently, private industry started participating in limited area such as a communication satellite and broadcasting satellite, Particularly, Korea's space industry is in an infant stage, which largely demands government supports. Government support should be in the form of investment or financial contribution, rather than in the form of loan or borrowing. Compared to other advanced countries in space industry, Korea needs more budget and professional research staff. Naturally, for the efficient and systemic space development and for the prevention of overlapping and distraction of power, it is necessary to enact space-related statutes, which would provide dear vision for the Korea space development. Furthermore, the fact that a variety of departments are running their own space development program requires a centralized and single space-industry development system. Prior to discussing how to coordinate or integrate space programs between Agency for Defense Development and the Korea Aerospace Research Institute, it is a prerequisite to establish, namely, "Space Operations Center"in the Air Force, which would determine policy and strategy in operating space forces. For the establishment of "Space Operations Center," policy determinations by the Ministry of National Defense and the Joint Chief of Staff are required. Especially, space surveillance system through using a military surveillance satellite and communication satellite, which would lay foundation for independent defense, shall be established with reference to Japan's space force plan. In order to resolve issues related to MTCR, Air Force would use space-launching vehicle of the Korea Aerospace Research Institute. Moreover, defense budge should be appropriated for using multi-purpose satellite and communication satellite. The Ministry of National Defense needs to appropriate 2.5 trillion won budget for space operations, which amounts to Japan's surveillance satellite operating budges.