• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.249-279
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the 'strategy' of Sunzi's art of war and verifies the modern application value of it by combining the 'strategy' of the art of war with modern enterprise management. The army adopts 'war strategy' with the aim of minimizing the loss and sacrifice caused by the war and winning in the shortest time. Enterprise aims to maximize profits at the lowest cost and adopt 'business strategy'. Three factors of art of war's strategic, the 'power', 'adaptation', 'trickery', are similar to the 'internal resources analysis', 'external environment analysis' and 'information management' of the modern enterprise's management. In the process of establishing strategic plan, the art of war emphasizes 'strategy of winning' including 'prophet', 'estimates' and 'maneuvering', in the modern enterprise management, 'prophet' is shown as 'competitor analysis' of the '3C analysis' and 'benchmarking learning'. 'Estimates' is shown as 'SWOT analysis' and '4P's analysis'. 'Maneuvering' is shown as 'market positioning strategy' and 'market preemption strategy'. In the stage of implementing the strategy, 'surprise attack strategy', 'strategy of void and actuality' and 'dividing and integrating strategy' of the art of war are shown as follows in modern enterprises ; 'Surprise attack strategy' is shown as 'differentiation strategy' and 'concentration strategy', 'Strategy of void and actuality' is shown as 'information management' and 'rational market positioning strategy'. 'Dividing and integrating strategy' is shown 'diversification strategy', 'concentration strategy', 'change management', 'basic competition strategy', 'synergy effect' and etc. In terms of strategic results, the 'victory of war' of the art or war is shown as 'competitive advantage' and 'maximization of profits' in modern enterprise management strategy. In a word, although there are different names and expressions between the strategy of Sunzi's art of war and modern enterprise, but their connotation is the same. We can see that the art of war which was written in about B.C.500, has left a high utilization value for modern enterprise in rapid environmental change and intense competition.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.159-212
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• 2018

This paper is focused on analyzing the social environment of a rapidly changing on Vietnamese company. The key analysis of this study is on the change of perception in Vietnam and the regional difference of CSR acception. The social acceptance research of CSR is centered on the comparative analysis of Korean, Japanese and Chinese companies Social Activities in Vietnam. In addition, This paper seek to way of contribute to the sustainable development of Korean companies, and its harmonious cooperation with Vietnamese society through reviewing the CSR activities and direction of their CSR expectation. In the paper, linkage analysis was conducted with the results of the study on CSR value development process in Vietnam society and analysis of social responsibility values obtained from empirical studies. Through this, finally, we trying to search the value of social responsibility in Vietnam and its future directions. When we understand Vietnam's CSR, based on 'locality' of Vietnam, Northern and Southern can be understand on its different backgrounds. And it can be analyzed by their CSR characteristics of acception. As the result of this research, In the North, Foreign companies' CSR is understanded to be viewed from the corporate economic income and distribution. In the South, there is a strong tendency to understand CSR activities of foreign companies as marketing activities. On the whole, In northern Hanoi, there was a strong expectation in terms of 'employment improvement' and 'workers' working conditions'. In the South, there was a greater interest in improving the 'quality of life of residents' and 'consumer protection'. This is due to the influence of the economic system experienced during the process of different colonization, modernization and communization between the two regions. Since the Reform and Opening of Vietnam, Social Awareness of CSR seems that the regional differences were formed by the pace of economic development and the economic environment has played a role. In particular, the social acceptance of CSR values showed a slight difference in recognition between the North and South regions, but as both regions showed common hope for 'intervention in the role of government'. Therefore, Social Awareness of Vietnam's CSR is based on relation of 'government-society' formed from the 'Communitarianism'. As foreign investment flows more, CSR awareness and expectations in Vietnam's society will increase further. And the CSR expectations of local governments and stakeholder will be more complicated. It is time to check the needs of Vietnamese society in relation to locality of the social responsibility activities.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.31-56
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• 2008

Jang Hyeon-gwang(張顯光, 1554-1637), whose pseudonym or courtesy name is 'Yeoheon(旅軒)', had made a thorough study on the intrinsic nature of Neo-Confucianism in a more sincere fashion, when comparing him with other Neo-Confucianists in Joseon period. Also he was a renowned scholar who expanded its philosophical system in-depth. Yeoheon thereby had strengthened his philosophical system accordant with the Great Learning(大學) and Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), which are the fundamental systems of Neo-Confucianistic education. Based on such considerations, Yeoheon's thought on education can be illuminated from three different perspectives. First, Yeoheon deepened his a theory of good governance by a virtuous ruler(聖人君主論, pronounced, 'Seongingunjuron') as the standard of education. Essentially, his theory pursues Refraining from desire, and preserving the laws of nature(存天理?人欲, pronounced, 'Joncheolliarinnyok'), and put emphasis on ethical awakening, and the governance through a virtue of moral excellence. Second, Yeoheon stressed the learning theories related to 'sincerity' or true heart(誠) and 'piety' or 'respect'(敬)) as the form of education(誠敬, pronounced, 'Seonggyeong'). Also he expounded that people needs "to establish a ground of Respect and Sincerity in their mind." He recognized the differences between the two virtues, meanwhile, however, he understood it as in an identical context. Third, Yeoheon advocated harmony between separation and integration(分合, pronounced, 'Bunhap') as a method for education. Through his unique 'Discourse on Longitude and Latitude', dubbed, 'Li-Gi Gyeongwiseol (理氣經緯說) in which the principle(Li, 理) is equal to the intrinsic energy or material force(Gi, 氣), he maintained his view on the Doctrine of the Mean, in that he was not inclined to either sides according to the logic of Change(易, pronounced 'Yeok'). When reviewing Yeoheon's contemplation in education in the meaning of modern education, he laid the standards for education on the establishment of morality, and he also provides us with an idea which induces us to look through the form and method for education from the perspective of Doctrine of the Mean. In short, Yeoheon's view on education embodies wisdom of traditional Neo-Confucianistic Education having consistency, and it provides for an implication of the review of the importance of the balance in relation to methodological bias toward confusion in the standards for modern education, and unsystematic contents therein.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.257-301
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• 2018

The purpose of the study is to examine righteous army activity and combat in Hapcheon during the Imjin invasion period. The resulting conclusions are as follows. First, Chung In-hong raised a righteous army in Hapcheon and Kim Myeon raised an army in Goryeong. Chung In-hong commanded the army and fought against Japanese army with a leadership of knowing the enemy and himself, and Kim Myeon commanded the army and fought against Japanese military with a leadership of harmony. Second, battles of Chung In-hong's righteous army are the first Mugye battle, the ambush battle in Sawon-dong, the Chogye Majin battle, the Aneon battle, and the third Seongju Castle battle. Battles of Kim Myeon's righteous army are the Yeongang battle, the Gaesanpo battle, the second Mugye battle, the Ucheok-hyeon battle, the Jirye battle, and the Sarangam battle. Battles that Chung In-hong and Kim Myeon united and fought are the first and second Seongju Castle battles. In Jeongyu Jaeran, Chung In-hong played a role of Jodosa who takes charge of provisions in the right area of Gyeongsang. In addition, Hapcheon was the access road and transport route where Japanese army entered Jeolla-do. Third, participation and role of Ming troops are part of restraint device against Japanese army with military tactics of ii chei(using foreigners to control foreigners) to remove Japanese army from Joseon and defend Yodong. After a victory of Li Rusong in Pyeongyang Castle in January, 1593(the 26th year of Seongjo), Ming troops pursued practical interest through peace talks rather than active battles. When there was practically Siege of Jinju, Yujeong troops of Ming entered with hand-to-hand martial arts of Sacheon soldiers in late June, 1593, but did not participate because they should wait for orders of Gyeongnyak Song Eung-chang and Admiral Li Rusong. Fourth, in the Imjin invasion period, Joseon suffered terrible damage such as ruin of the whole country by invasion of Japanese army and in need of aid of military rice from Ming troops, but righteous armies and the royal forces in each area cooperated so defeated Japanese army. It is understood through a case of Hapcheon in the right area of Gyeongsang. Especially, Joseon did not succumb to pressure of Ming troops that used full powers to two aspects such as settlement and battle with Japan during the war, and did not lose national confidence and pride by showing a fighting will to fight against Japanese army to the end with independence. Such a spiritual culture originated from homeland protection and loyalty to the king, and is national spirit of resistance that sublimates the united mind and spirit of community to protect a country against foreign invasion.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

This paper examines the persuasive style(論說類) proses of Myeonggog(明谷) Choi, seokjeong(崔錫鼎, 1646~1715). He is a disciple of Namguman(南九萬) and Parksechae(朴世采), and is a man who played an active part by political soron(少論) leader in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. It is also a central figure that links the genealogy of the late Joseon Dynasty, which leads to Namguman(南九萬)-Choiseokjeong(崔錫鼎)-Chotaeeok(趙泰億). He wrote total 14 persuasive style prose. The time of creation is from around 1671 until the end of life. In this paper, the preoses to be analyzed are Sunukron(荀彧論), Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) and Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨). The reverse idea that reverses the existing discussion is outstanding, and the work which is unique in composition is Sunukron(荀彧論). Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) is a work that uses the ryubi(類比) to increase persuasiveness and converts the existing perspective. Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) is a work that attempted to harmonize in the formality of vocabulary, sentence and composition while showing the logical perfection to dismiss the counter-argument's prerequisite. For example, Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) consists of a total of five paragraphs in aspect of composition, each paragraph arranged in good order. In addition, this work presented sequential arguments, used the incremental method which emphasizes the importance of arguments as it moves backward.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.281-310
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• 2017

This paper is a reflective study of contemporary Korean scholars' claims that they criticize the explanation of Zhu Xi(朱熹, 1130-1200)'s psychology in which he explains that the 24th Hexagram of $F{\hat{u}}$[復卦] shows the state that the mind has not happened yet[未發]. Zhu Xi explains the 24th Hexagram of $F{\hat{u}}$[復卦] with the theory of no mind yet[未發說]. Several scholars in modern Korea, however, raise the question of whether "thoughtless[思慮未萌] but being not dark to perception[知覺不昧]" of the 24th Hexagram of $F{\hat{u}}$ is enough to explain the state of no mind yet. And they think that "thoughtless[思慮未萌]" is appropriate to explain the state in which the mind has not yet occurred, but it is not to "being not dark to perception". In this study, we would like to show that Zhu Xi's interpretation of the 24th Hexagram of $F{\hat{u}}$[復卦] fully explains the fact that "thoughtless[思慮未萌] but being not dark to perception[知覺不昧]" explain the theory of no mind yet[未發說]. Zhu Xi's 'the theory of no mind yet[未發說]' is divided into two periods, a period of 'old theory on $zh{\bar{o}}ngh{\acute{e}}$[中和舊說]' and a period of 'new theory on $zh{\bar{o}}ngh{\acute{e}}$[中和新說]'. He develops 'the theory of no mind yet[未發說]' on the basis of 'the theory that nature is body and mind is action[性體心用說]' during the period of old theory, and develops the theory[未發說] based on 'the theory that mind controls nature and feelings[心統性情說]' during the new theory. Between the two periods, the status of the mind changes from "the mind has already happened[已發]" to "through which the mind has not yet arisen and the mind has already risen[未發已發]". And its role also changes from 'what nature is happened' to 'presiding on nature and emotion.' This change affects the interpretation of the idea that the mind has not yet happened, that thoughts have not budged yet[思慮未萌], perception is not dark[知覺不昧].

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.155-180
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• 2008

Suam(遂庵) Kwon Sang-Ha(權尙夏) was a very important character in the late Chosoen Dynasty. He was a representative of the academic circles(school of Uam) and political circles(Nolon; 老論) after Uam(尤庵) Song Si-Yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689). He represented learning and thought and undertaking of his academic circles and political circles, and handed down to his pupils. He thought his mission was "lighting the laws of heaven and aligning the human mind," "stopping the heretical study and repulsing uncivilization", to reform good virtues of humanity and justice. Kwon Sang-Ha was a successor of Song Si-Yeol, He succeeded learning and thought of his teacher and practiced "Upright"(直) and the Thought of ChunChu(春秋). He emphasized "Upright" as a fundamental principle, like his teacher. He thought ChuHsi(朱熹, 1130-1200) was the master who had inherited the spirit of Confucianism and Chosoen was the only country to successfully inherit this spirit of Confucianism. He declared any study counter to the study of ChuHsi as a rebellious pursuit. Therefore he rejected all other studies. He tried to "stop the heretical 'ism' and repulse uncivilization" and present this ideology as 'the Right way of Human Society(世道)'. He made efforts to reorganize books of ChuHsi to make perfect Book of righteousness with Song Si-Yeol. And he established Hwayang shrine, MandongMyo(萬東廟), Deabodan(大報壇) etc, in memory of fidelity and large rightness. Kwon Sang-Ha did these undertaking to establish 'Public morals and the Right way of Human Society(世道)' with self-confidence. In Dispute on the nature of man and animal(人物性同異論), he gives his approval to Han Won-Jin's opinion. Han Won-Jin's opinion was "the nature of man and animal is Different"(人物性異論). Whenever serious political accidents occurred, he took the lead to protect his teacher, Song Si-Yeol. The reason he did this was not because of his personal feelings for his teacher, but because of promoting 'Public morals(世道)' and 'Confucianism.' Kwon Sang-Ha regarded Mind control Law of "Upright" and the thought of ChunChu as his moralities, and was concerned about real politics and opposed social irregularities. Kwon Sang-Ha succeeded Song Si-Yeol's thought of "Upright" and volition of making an inroad on the Chung(淸), and gave to his political circles(Nolon; 老論) as a law of mind and mission.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.189-213
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• 2008

When we say the core thought of the Analects of Confucius, we normally come up with 'Ren(仁)'. However, in the first phrase of Chapter One("學而") of the Analects, there is no mention about 'Humanity'. Then, why the editor of the Analects of Confucius had put the First Chapter at the opening of book? This paper aims to describe the fact that the First Chapter One of the Analects of Confucius implies the core thought of Kongzi(孔子). In the First Chapter One, the vocabularies, such as 'Pleasure'(說), 'Delight'(樂), and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) are central to the phrasal structure. 'Pleasure'(說) is the phase to cultivate himself, or the phase to equip with a qualification in order 'to establish a righteous relation'. And 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to establish relationships with colleagues who share same value and ambition with himself. 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) is the stage to 'establish righteous relationships' with all people in the world, and it denotes an ideal human image presented by Kongzi(孔子). The core concepts of the First Chapter One are connected to the core thoughts of the Analects of Confucius, to wit, 'Ren'(仁), 'Shu'(恕), and 'Xiujizhiren'(修己治人). If 'Ren'(仁) and 'Shu'(恕) refer to specifically 'establishment of righteous relationship', then 'Pleasure'(說) is the stage to obtain qualification in order to 'establish righteous relationship', and 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to 'establish relationships' with brothers and colleagues, and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) means a person who can build up 'righteous relationships' with all the people of the world. Regarding the Confucianism in 'Character building and guiding other souls' Confucius presents three phases, viz. 'Cultivation of himself in reverential carefulness'(修己以敬) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to others'(修己以安人) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to all the people'(修己以安百姓), and the se get through 'Pleasure'(說) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Delight'(樂) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) in the First Chapter One of the Analects of Kongzi(孔子). The human image, named 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) presented in the Chapter One is equated with the human who practices 'morality'(修養) that attained by means of 'cultivation'(實踐) through 'establishment of relationship'.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.37-74
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• 2016

Song Joon Kil(宋浚吉, 1606-1672) intended to establish the subjectivity of people as a "Great Justice". He declared that at that time "Great Justice" was meant to respect 'Ming(明)' and reject 'Ching'(淸). He understood 'Ching' as a country which destroyed the human community and reasoned that if we put Ching's uncivilized behavior out of our mind in favor of the pursuit of present existence and merits, a temporary peace may be got but eternal peace and stability would not be achieved. 'Ming' doesn't refer only to the name of a country, but a country with the capacity to perform 'humanity and justice' with a human culture. On the other hand, he considered 'Ching' to signify the uncivilised country that destroyed or repressed the humanity and peaceful order of the world. He thought the international order can only be maintained under the organization respectful and protective of humanity. He believed a country should act to unify the whole world guaranteeing life and stability. He possessed this cultivated spirit which acted to protect the civilised world from the perils of an uncivilised world. But because of the great famine for a lot of years and the international state(Ming was regressing, and Ching was continuing to make rapid strides) was timely unsuitable to revenge and to wash the shame off. So Song propeled to stabilize the government and to strengthen the national ethics. Song focused on administering the domestic affairs. To him a high priority was a internal affairs, and a low priority was a external affairs[military aggression]. Song considered 'providing for the welfare of the people'(安民) before 'pushing ahead with military aggression'(外攘). And a high priority was 'restoring the people'(養民), a low priority was 'the military affairs'(治兵). Song regarded 'domestic affairs'(內治) as a fundamental affairs. He putted 'to nurse people'(養民) and 'to straighten King's mind'(格君心) first, than 'to buildup military'. His foreign policy was 'respecting Ming' and 'rejecting Ching'. Song was bothered about defining Chosun dynasty's moral obligations to the southern Ming government(1644~46) at Nanjing at that time.