• 수완나부미
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• 제4권1호
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• pp.57-90
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• 2012

This essay is for a study on the survey of buddhist cultural literary document about the Southeast Asia by Nanqishu(南齊書), Liangshu(梁書), Chiu T'angshu(舊唐書), Hsin T'ang shu(新唐書) which are included in the Chinese Official History and Jí-shénzhōu-sānbăo-găntōng-lù(集神州三寶感通錄), Weioshu Shilao Ji (魏書 釋老志). These documents allows us to imagine next some historical states. First, these documents are recording this area, especially Funan, as a plentiful diggings of gold, silver, tin, copper, etc. These are important materials for gilt bronze sculptures. Further, this local produced gold called 'Yangmai(楊邁)' is recognized as same as Zĭmòjīn(紫磨金) in china, and these documents explains the process of producing the bronze images and golden ornaments in Southeast Asia. Specially, this plentiful materials leads them to make a 10 wei(圍) tall golden-silver image which worshiped as hindu god or sometimes buddhist images. Second, Vietnam and Funan in Northern and Southern Dynasty periods were in antagonistic relationship not only in the political but also in religious between Vietnamese Hinduism and Funan's Buddhism. Under this situation, the monk Nagaxian(那伽仙) who had came from India was accredited to Southern Qi court as a delegate to build a good relationship by the common religion Buddhism. It means the Buddhism of Southeast Asia also took a role of diplomacy. Third, these documents proved the active Southeast Asian cultural exchange in early 3th century. At this time, Funan delegate Suwu(蘇物) visited the court of Kushan Dynasty in India and he is seemed to travel the city of Pātaliputra. It oppressed us to extend our outlook which have been restricted in the relationship between Southern india and Southeast Asia to more broaden area. In addition, the buddhist art of Southern India and Bodhgaya temple was imported to Southeast Asia directly to send to Southern China. For example, the wooden buddha image, Bodhgaya stupa image, and Sri Lanka style's buddha images are looked be introduced to Southern China at this time throughout the Southeast Asia. At last, we got to know that the court music of Kucha in the northern silk route was imported to the Southeast Asia in early middle age. Even it may be introduced by China, but this document is very important to make the surmise is not unreasonable that the buddhist culture of northern silk route imported to the Southeast Asia accompanied with Kucha music. The buddha images in Gandharan style which are excavated from some site of Southeast Asia may demonstrate this literary sources is authentic.

• 수완나부미
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.55-94
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• 2010

Even Faxian(法顯)'s Gaosengfaxianchuan (『高僧法顯傳』) and Iching(義淨)'s Nanhaijiguineifachuan (『南海寄歸內法傳』) are regarded as very important and useful documents to study the southeast asian buddhist culture, it is very difficult to grasp the contemporary state of those area because their descriptions are very brief and implicit. Therefore this essay aimed an in-depth reading their documents as original texts of modern understanding of those area, and tried to make a new views to approach the southeast asian buddhist culture by some more historically and concretely. At the early 5th century when Faxian(法顯) arrived, Buddhism was flourished in Sri Lanka. Because already a long time passed since the Saṇgha was schismatized into conservative and progressive at around the dominical year, he mentioned nothing about the conflict or disharmony of two orders. And the faith of Buddha tooth relic, which had been uprisen at 50 years ago from Faxian's visiting, was concretely established as a representative religion of Sri Lanka. According to his record, the carrying ritual of this Buddha tooth was performed very magnificently as similar with recent Korean Youngsan ceremony(靈山齋). In the mean time, it looks there were many sculptures of Buddha image made of precious stone of special product from Sri Lanka. The faith of Buddha-pāda(the Buddha's foot-prints) was also generalized at that time. The most famous monk of his contemporary Sir Lanka was Buddhaghosa, the author of Visuddhi-magga, but it is not sure that Faxian had met him. It can be suspected that the funeral in which Faxian participated could be belonged to him, or the Visuddhi-magga was writing at the peak during Faxian's staying. On the way to return to China, Faxian embarked an indigenous ship around Indonesia. It means there were no chinese trade ship which he can use. So the trade between china and southeast asia was advanced by south asian ships, and the chinese ships were not yet joined at that time so activity. And at least until that time, it looks there were no any remarkable buddhist movement in the southeast asian countries by where he stopped. In contrast, the southeast asian world which be seen by Iching had already experienced a lot of changes. He was impressed by the high quality buddhist culture of those area, and insisted to accept it to china. Further, he analyzed the sects of buddhism which were prevalent around the southeast asia in his contemporary time, and tried to make a good relationship with each native monks for learning from them. It looks the center of those exchanges may be Śrīvijaya of Indonesia. He also mentioned the situation of the late 7th century's Funan(扶南) in Cambodia. At that time, the buddhist Saṇgha was oppressed by newly rising Khmer(眞臘). On the other hand, he described the points of sameness and difference in detail between Indian and southeast asian buddhist culture in the field of ritual as like the practical use of garments, buddha images, and daily recited scriptures. There must be a lot of another aspects which this essay couldn't gather up or catch from these documents. Nevertheless, I hope this essay can help the researchers of this field and will wait for any advices and comments from them.

• 수완나부미
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.21-41
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• 2009

The Art of the Buddha's Life which depicts the life and before-life of Buddha flourished in Sanci and Bharhut in the ancient India and in Gandhara during the Kushan period. More than one hundred scenes from Buddha's life were represented in the form of relief sculpture or wall painting. They are found in Gandhara and Mathura during the Kushan period, Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda during the Satavahana period, in Mathura and Sarnath during the Gupta period, and during the Pala Period. They unfolded in various forms and styles according to the text(Buddhist scripture), layout, and expressive technique. In Mathura, where the Evolution of the Buddha image was made about the same time as in Gandhara during the Kushan period, the Buddha's life was presented in a number of scenes related to the sacred sites; in four or eight scenes. In the case of the Eight Great Events of the Buddha's Life, the four scenes out of eight were different from those that were represented in Sarnath during the Gupta period, manifesting a transitional period. The Gupta period is widely known as the time when the classic artistic style was established. The art of Buddha's Life was produced only in Sarnath during this period, and it was the time when the Eight Great Events of the Buddha's Life was established as iconography, providing a model for those of the Pala period. Also, it was the time when the single image of Buddha was produced such as the 'Buddha delivering his first sermon,' 'Buddha's Enlightenment,' and 'Buddha's Death,' thus showing the emergence of the single Buddha image from the narrative Buddha's life image. In this paper, a general introduction of the relief sculpture of the Buddha's life from Sarnath during the Gupta period was given. The art of Buddha's life gave great influences on that of China, Korea, Japan and Southeast Asia, and can be emphasized as an important subject in understanding the development of the Buddhist art in East Asia. A further study will be made on the art of Buddha's Life of Southeast Asia in the future, which will enhance the understanding of the art of Buddha's Life in East Asia as a whole.

• 수완나부미
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.29-51
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• 2010

The diversity of Southeast Asia can be also represented at the tremendous number of ethnic groups residing throughout its various regions even beyond national boundaries. What does it mean by the composite of numerous peoples? It has triggered a lot of problems in a nation or overall Southeast Asia. Among them, the most serious one seems to be ethnic conflicts having damaged national integration and caused political, economical, and social instability. In that respect, Karen people have been a minority group situated in the most chronic dispute in Myanmar. Since 1947 some of the Karen equipped with armed forces have been fighting against the military government currently ruling Myanmar. As the result, the refugees over 200,000 population had moved to the mountain camps located at neighboring Thailand, attracting a lot of attention throughout international societies. According to 1931 census by British colonial government, the Karen have the greatest numbers in population as minority and include 16 subgroups including Karenni(Kayah) and Pa-O seemingly excluded from its category in contemporary point of view. It means that Karen people should not be regarded as an ethnic group, and in fact do not show a homogeneous identity under the title of Karen. Given the situation, we need to reconsider the category of Karen. What does the Karen mean in a real sense? Previous studies on the Karen had been performed mainly by anthropologists or missionaries such as Marshall(1922), Hamilton (1976), Hanson Tadaw(1959), Smeaton(1920), Keyes(1979), Hayami (1992; 2004), etc. Most of them examined the Karen as a group and ignored the possibilities of representing the divergent identities vis-à-vis their subgroups. Therefore, they have focused on the myth to convert Karen people to Christianity, although the Christian Karens are less than 20% of total population. As a result, I argue that they would fail to define the real meaning of Karen. It has been caused us to recognize the Karen as a meaningless total entity to be accepted by all means. According to their arguments, the difference among Karen's subgroups is just dealt with the trivial matters that do not affect the ethnic boundary itself, still maintaining the ethnic identity as Karen. As we shall see on this thesis, this is never the case. My thesis aims at uncovering and scrutinizing the real meaning of the category of Karen. For the purpose of it, I will consider Karen people as a linguistic group from the beginning as shown in 1931 census. I argue that the Karen have been affected or exposed by various conditions or environments throughout the harsh history having happened on the areas of current Myanmar and Thailand, leading the vicissitudes of their ethnic identities.

• 수완나부미
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.107-135
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• 2014

Cham identities which are socially constructed and multilayered, display their markers in a variety of elements, including homeland attachment to the former Kingdom of Champa, religion, language and cultural traditions, to mention a few. However, unlike other contemporary diasporic experience which binds the homeland and the host country, the Cham diaspora in Cambodia has a unique pattern as it seems to have no voice in the political and economic spheres in Vietnam, its homeland. The relations between the Cham in Cambodia and Vietnam seem to be limited to cultural heritages such as Cham musical traditions, traditional clothing, and the architectural heritage. Many Cham people have established networks outside Cambodia with areas of the Muslim world, like Malaysia, Indonesia, southern Thailand and the Middle Eastern countries. Pursuing education or training in Islam as well as working in those countries, especially Malaysia has become a way for the Cham to widen their networks and increase their knowledge of particularly, Islam. Returning to Cambodia, these people become religious teachers or ustadz (Islamic teachers in the pondok [Islamic boarding school]). This has developed slowly, side by side with the formation of their identity as Cham Muslims. Among certain Cham, the absence of an ancient cultural heritage as an identity marker has been replaced by the Islamic culture as the important element of identity. However, being Cham is not a single identity, it is fluid and contested. Many scholars argue that the Cham in Cambodia constitute three groups: the Cham Chvea, Cham, and Cham Bani (Cham Jahed). The so-called Cham Jahed has a unique practice of Islam. Unlike other Cham who pray five times a day, Cham Jahed people pray, once a week, on Fridays. They also have a different ritual for the wedding ceremony which they regard as the authentic tradition of the Cham. Indeed, they consider themselves pure descendants of the Cham in Vietnam; retaining Cham traditions and tending to maintain their relationship with their fellow Cham in Central Vietnam. In terms of language, another marker of identity, the Cham and the Cham Jahed share the same language, but Cham Jahed preserve the written Cham script more often than the Cham. Besides, the Cham Jahed teaches the language to the young generation intensively. This paper, based on fieldwork in Cambodia in 2010 and 2011 will focus on the process of the formation of the Cham identity, especially of those called Cham and Cham Jahed.

• 수완나부미
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.43-71
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• 2009

베트남 소수민족 공동체 중 Hmong족은 중요한 구성원이라고 여겨져 왔다. 타지에서 베트남으로 이민 와서 다른 민족들과 함께 오랫동안 살아 왔지만 Hmong족은 자기의 민족문화 특색을 잘 지켜왔다. 그런데 지난 몇 년 동안 전통적인 종교와 달리 새로운 종교를 믿게 되는 방향으로 Hmong족의 심령의 종교는 많이 변하고 있다. 그 중에 특히 주목받은 것은 개신교의 유입이다. 개신교는 직접적, 간접적 선교 방법으로 Lao Cai에 있는 Hmong족 공동체에 자연스럽게 유입되었다. Lao Cai의 많은 지방에서 사람들이 개신교를 믿게 되었고 그 중에는 가족이나 종족 환경에서 강제적 선교도 일어났다. 개신교는 Hmong족의 전통문화뿐만 아니라 Hmong족의 전통 종교, 신앙에도 직접적으로 영향을 주었다. 이 글에서는 Hmong족이 살고 있는 Lao Cai 지방을 선택하여 고찰하며 Hmong족의 전통문화가치에 대한 개신교의 영향 및 원인을 살펴보기로 한다. 먼저 Hmong사람들은 전통신앙을 버리고 개신교를 믿게 되는 원인을 살펴보자. 주 원인은 다음과 같은 네 가지가 있다고 본다. -경제와 관련된 원인 -성별 불평등과 관련된 원인 -학문 수준과 정보 습득 희망과 관련된 원인 -전통문화, 심리와 민속의식과 관련된 원인 그리고 다음과 같은 두 가지 각도에서 전통문화 가치에 대한 영향을 알아보았다. 첫째는 개신교가 Hmong사람의 전통사회체제에 큰 영향을 준 점, 둘째는 개신교가 Hmong사람의 풍속습관 및 전통 신앙에 영향을 준 점이다. 개신교가 Hmong사람의 전통사회체제에 큰 영향을 준 점은 여러 방면에서 보인다. 전통적인 가치와 개신교의 새로운 규정 사이의 충돌도 있고 가족 안에서 부부의 위치상 충돌도 있다. 또한 Hmong사람들에게 전통 종족의 역할, 위치를 약화시키는 영향도 주었고 산골 마을에서 개신교를 믿는 사람들과 믿지 않은 사람들 사이에 일어난 새로운 충돌도 있다 개신교와 개신교의 교리는 역시 풍속습관과 전통신앙에 큰 영향을 주었다. 첫째는 예수의 역할이 가장 중요하고 조상 숭배나 "집에 있는 귀신 숭배"같은 것보다 강력한 것이다. 그래서 Hmong사람의 신앙, 종교는 원시적 다신교부터 일신교로 변한 것으로 보인다. 둘째는 개신교를 믿는 사람들이 Hmong족의 전통 민속축제를 점차 멀리한다. 어떤 경우에는 그 사람들이 자기 민족의 전통문화 환경을 떠나 버리는 일도 있었다. 셋째는 개신교의 교리가 Hmong족의 풍속 규정을 바꾸게 하였고 Hmong사람들이 새로운 종교의 교리를 집행시켰다. 넷째는 인간 인생 주기에 관한 풍속습관 및 민속의례들은 의례 대상보다 의례 주제를 중심으로 삼는 것으로 점차 변화했다. 대체로 개신교가 Hmong족 공동체에 유입하여 이 민족의 전통문화 가치는 변화했다. Hmong족 공동체에 오래 존재해 왔던 낙후한 습관을 개선하는 점에서 개신교는 적극적 역할을 했다. 현재 문제점은 어떻게 전통문화가치를 유지하고 새로운 종교와 같이 존재할 수 있느냐라는 문제이다. 이 문제는 다음 연구 대상이 될 것이다.

• 수완나부미
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

Malay society is rooted on the Islamic concept. That Islam influenced every corner of that Malay society which had ever been an edge of the civilizations of the Indus and Ganges. Once the letters of that Hindu religion namely Sanscrit was adopted to this Malay society for the purpose of getting the Malay language, that is, Bahasa Melayu down to the practical literation but in vain. The Sanscrit was too complicated for Malay society to imitate and put it into practice in everyday life because it was totally different type of letters which has many of the similar allographs for a sound. In the end Malay society gave it up and just used the Malay language without using any letters for herself. After a few centuries Islam entered this Malay society with taking Arabic letters. It was not merely influencing Malay cultures, but to the religious life according to wide spread of that Islam. Finally Arabic letters was to the very means that Malay language was written by. It means that Arabic letters had been used for Arabic language in former times, but it became a similar form of letters for a new language which was named as Malay language. This Arabic letters for Arabic language has no problems whereas Arabic letters for Malay language has some of it. Naturally speaking, arabic letters was not designed for any other language but just for Arabic language itself. On account of this, there occurred a few problems in writing Malay consonants, just like p, ng, g, c, ny and v. These 6 letters could never be written down in Arabic letters. Those 6 ones were never known before in trying to pronounce by Arab people. Therefore, Malay society had only to modify a few new forms of letters for these 6 letters which had frequently been found in their own Malay sounds. As a result, pa was derived from fa, nga was derived from ain, ga was derived from kaf, ca was derived from jim, nya was derived from tha or ba, and va was derived from wau itself. Where must these 6 newly modified letters be put on this Arabic keyboard? This is the very core of this working paper. As a matter of course, these 6 letters were put on the place where 6 Arabic signs which were scarecely written in Malay language. Those 6 are found when they are used only in the 'shift-key-using-letters.' These newly designed 6 letters were put instead of the original places of fatha, kasra, damma, sukun, tanween and so on. The main differences between the 2 set of 6 letters are this: 6 in Arabic orginal keyboard are only signs for Arabic letters, on the other hand 6 Malay's are real letters. In others words, 6 newly modified Malay letters were substituted for unused 6 Arabic signs in Malay keyboard. This type of newly designed Malay Jawi Script keyboard is still used in Malaysia, Brunei and some other Malay countries. But this sort of keyboard also needs to go forward to find out another way of keyboard system which is in accordance with the alphabetically ordered keyboard system. It means that alif is going to be typed for A key, and zai shall be typed when Z key is pressed. This keyboard system is called 'Malay Jawi-English Rumi matching keyboard system', even though this system should probably be inconvenient for Malay Jawi experts who are good at Arabic 'alif-ba-ta'order.