• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.81-112
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• 2015

This essay interrogates the category of the 'global' in the emerging domain of 'global intellectual history'. Through a case study of the Indian social-religious reformer Rammohun Roy (1772/4-1833), I argue that notions of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (which have been preoccupying concerns of recent debates in intellectual history) have multiple conceptual and practical points of origin. Thus in early colonial India a person like Rammohun Roy could invoke centuries-old Indic terms of globality (vishva, jagat, sarva, sarvabhuta, etc.), selfhood (atman/brahman), and notions of right (adhikara) to liberation/salvation (mukti/moksha) as well as late precolonial discourses on 'worldly' rights consciousness (to life, property, religious toleration) and models of participatory governance present in an Indo-Islamic society, and hybridize these with Western-origin notions of rights and liberties. Thereby Rammohun could challenge the racial and confessional assumptions of colonial authority and produce a more deterritorialized and non-sectarian idea of selfhood and governance. However, Rammohun's comparativist world-historical notions excluded other models of selfhood and globality, such as those produced by devotional Vaishnava, Shaiva, and Shakta-Tantric discourses under the influence of non-Brahmanical communities and women. Rammohun's puritan condemnation of non-Brahmanical sexual and gender relations created a homogenized and hierarchical model of globality, obscuring alternate subaltern-inflected notions of selfhood. Class, caste, and gender biases rendered Rammohun supportive of British colonial rule and distanced him from popular anti-colonial revolts and social mobility movements in India. This article argues that today's intellectual historians run the risk of repeating Rammohun's biases (or those of Hegel's Weltgeschichte) if they privilege the historicity and value of certain models of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (such as those derived from a constructed notion of the 'West' or from constructed notions of various 'elite' classicized 'cultures'), to the exclusion of models produced by disenfranchised actors across the world. Instead of operating through hierarchical assumptions about local/global polarity, intellectual historians should remain sensitive to and learn from the universalizable models of selfhood, rights, and justice produced by actors in different spatio-temporal locations and intersections.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.606-615
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• 2015

This study aims to provide suggestions for the development of educational contents on historical events that can solve the existing curriculum's problems, such as the disproportionate weight given to Western historical events. The study focuses on content ranging from the start of the Agricultural Revolution (7000 BC.) to the start of the Industrial Revolution (AD. 1760). The results are as follows. We used the Delphi technique for deriving global historical events. Among them, 56 historical events were selected as the data for Social Network Analysis (SNA). The results of SNA showed that topics related to Civilization has a high priority. In addition, the results of a coagulation analysis showed the events can be divided into seven groups. The classification criteria is different from the criteria used for the current period. We expect that the suggested framework developed for historical contents will constitute a new approach to historical interpretation through network visualization and linkage analysis.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.5-44
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• 2013

This essay offers a historically based critique of the idea of "alternative modernities" that has acquired popularity in scholarly discussions over the last two decades. While significant in challenging Euro/American-centered conceptualizations of modernity, the idea of "alternative modernities" (or its twin, "multiple modernities") is open to criticism in the sense in which it has acquired currency in academic and political circles. The historical experience of Asian societies suggests that the search for "alternatives" long has been a feature of responses to the challenges of Euromodernity. But whereas "alternative" was conceived earlier in systemic terms, in its most recent version since the 1980s cultural difference has become its most important marker. Adding the adjective "alternative" to modernity has important counter-hegemonic cultural implications, calling for a new understanding of modernity. It also obscures in its fetishization of difference the entrapment of most of the "alternatives" claimed--products of the reconfigurations of global power--within the hegemonic spatial, temporal and developmentalist limits of the modernity they aspire to transcend. Culturally conceived notions of alternatives ignore the common structural context of a globalized capitalism which generates but also sets limits to difference. The seeming obsession with cultural difference, a defining feature of contemporary global modernity, distracts attention from urgent structural questions of social inequality and political injustice that have been globalized with the globalization of the regime of neoliberal capitalism. Interestingly, "the cultural turn" in the problematic of modernity since the 1980s has accompanied this turn in the global political economy during the same period. To be convincing in their claims to "alterity", arguments for "alternative modernities" need to re-articulate issues of cultural difference to their structural context of global capitalism. The goal of the discussion is to work out the implications of these political issues for "revisioning" the history and historiography of modernity.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.27 no.8
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• pp.91-101
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• 2022

This study started with the awareness that the review of the historical origins of Korean broadcasting will be of great significance in exploring the future of Korean broadcasting, and examined the various "origins" of Korean broadcasting - colonial, Cold War, totalitarian, neoliberal. Based on the theoretical background of "media archaeology", the historical 'origin' of Korean broadcasting was applied to track the origin of Hallyu(the Korean Wave) in the 21st century by comprehensively examining the political and economic motives of the time, the state's situational awareness of problems, major broadcasting policies and broadcasting realities. As a result of the study, it came to the tentative conclusion that the historical origin of the Hallyu, which began to be formed in the 1980s, originated from the three origins of Korean broadcasting and the "synthetic mixture" in the subsequent development process.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.169-195
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• 2014

This paper presents an investigation into cross-cultural transfiguration of Buddhist faith in Goryeo Dynasty, with a focus on $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra that used to be in vogue in East Asia. There are three major types of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith in Goryeo: the first one was concerned about the scripture itself including its citation and publication and the compilation of its annotation books; the second one involved establishing Buddhist rituals related to the scripture; and the final one was to create Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles with Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Volume 7 of the scripture engraved in stone. While it was the common practice to engrave Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in China, the number of stone poles on which Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ was engraved was overwhelmingly large. There are a couple of reasons behind the difference: first, there was a tendency of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ being worshiped at the national level in Goryeo, which probably explains why the percentage of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles designed to pray for a personal mass for the dead by engraving Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ on a stone pole was considerably low. In addition, there were esoteric sects in Goryeo, and it is estimated that they must have got involved in the establishment of Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles in the former half of Goryeo. Furthermore, the Zen sects had a deep non-Zen understanding of Esoteric Buddhism and tended to practice Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Goryeo. It is estimated that Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles were set up in large numbers in Goryeo as the prevalence of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith that continued on since the former half of Goryeo was combined with the Zen sects' active position about Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.237-281
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• 2017

This research aimed at investigating Kim Gyoshin's recognition on Korean traditional ideology and harmony of Christian idea and traditional idea through the writing and diary in "Bible Joseon". Kim Gyoshin expressed positive interest in Korean traditional idea and traditional religion, and intended to localize Christian belief through communicating with them. He expressed infinite respect for national cultural asset of Buddhism, intending to research Korean Buddhism. He paid utmost attention to Confucianism among traditional ideas. He had a strong affection for learning(好學), benevolence(仁義), conscience(良心) of Confucianism as patriotic character. He calmly practiced caution and solitary(愼獨) of sincere(誠), solemnity(敬) of Confucianism through his life, however he chose Christian belief by accepting atonement belief realizing human sinful nature fundamentally inherent in human being. He personally respected Confucius and lived after the model of him, however he searched the spirit of life to renew the people from Christianity. Academically, he respected Confucius, and believed in Jesus in religion. He highly evaluated the attitude of patriot(志士), which highly regarded the academic attitude of learning(好學) and benevolence(仁義), in this regard, criticized blind and non-intellectual belief. He had an open attitude toward Korean traditional idea with no prejudice. As human individuals have their own inherent moral value, he viewed that each people would have their inherent ethnicity and mission. He considered that Korean Peninsula where contradiction and yoke of the world history are inherent is the center of East Asia that would purify injustice of the world. He viewed that Korean people had owned their original good heart[仁] even before Buddhism and Confucianism had been transmitted to the country. He determined that Korean people were good people, who received goodness from the heaven. However, while Uchimura created Japanese style Christianity by adapting Japanese knighthood to Christian idea, Kim Gyoshin lacked sharp critical mind regarding how to establish Korean style Christianity by adapting which of Korean traditional idea to Christian idea.