• Title/Summary/Keyword: 성격인상

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A study on the cognition of 'the day of the Dead' as a culture code (문화코드로서 '죽은 자들의 날' 인식 연구)

  • Park, Chongwook
    • Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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    • v.14 no.4
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    • pp.53-78
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    • 2011
  • The day of the Dead, so called as 'El día de los muertos' in Mexico is the traditional festival of the mexicans. There is no doubt that the origin of the festival traces back to the times of the people of Azteca before the Invasion of the spanish soldiers into the land of the soldiers of Teotihuacán. The festival rituals of the Azteca are the same as the catholic rituals in converging the actual characteristics and the cultural structure of the Festival. Therefore the hybridity of the Festival has been considered as high value worthy to be conserved and named as a world cultural heritage by the UNESCO. This investigation has been realized through the survey of questionnaire to get some practical informations and data on how the mexicans think of the Festival and enjoy it according to the diversity of the believes, sexes, locations, ages, etc. We could reveal that the absolute majority of the mexicans consider the Festival as very positive. Even though the sexes, educations, ages can't be elements to make the differences in conforming the common think of the day of the Dead, believes and locations where the people do live are the most sensitive elements that influence upon the ways of thinking. The protestants think negatively while the catholics do reflect the average opinion of the mexicans who consider the Festival as a good and positive tradition. The people of the city participate less than the people of the provinces. Conclusively the day of the Dead can be considered as a national symbol of the people of Mexico.

Materialism, Fashion Clothing Involvement, Proximity of Clothing to Self, and US Sorority Member Selection Based On Clothing and Appearance (의복과 외모를 근거로 한 미국여대생 클럽회원 선택결정과 물질주의성향, 패션의복관여도, 의복의 자아근접성에 관한 연구)

  • Miller, Jennifer Rebecca;Kim, So-Young
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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    • v.32 no.12
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    • pp.1857-1865
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    • 2008
  • The purpose of this study was to examine the importance of personal attributes as they related to developing first impressions and managing group acceptance in the context of sorority recruitment process. Specifically, we examined how certain personal characteristics of a sorority member were related to her use of a potential member's clothing and appearance as non-verbal cues during the member selection process. The characteristics identified through the literature review were materialism, fashion clothing involvement, and proximity of clothing to self. A questionnaire was distributed to members of two sorority houses at a southeastern university in the United States. A total of 140 US sorority members participated in the study. The results showed that a member's satisfaction with her chapter, her level of participation, and her length of membership in the chapter had no relation with her tendency to base her member selection on clothing and appearance. However, members' use of clothing and appearance as guiding their member selection decisions was related to other individual characteristics selected for the study(materialism, fashion clothing involvement, and proximity of clothing to self). Fashion clothing involvement and proximity of clothing to self(clothing for acceptance) were most significantly related to clothing-based member selection. Partial correlations were also produced to examine the mediating role of clothing-based impression formation.

THE STUDY ON MODERN DESIGN REFLECTED NATIONAL DISPOSITION AND CULTURAL CHARACTER - Focused on the re-definition of Korean national disposition and cultural character for design Education - (민족적(民族的) 기질(氣質)과 문화적 성격이 반영되는 현대 디자인에 대한 고찰 - 디자인 교육을 위한 한국의 민족, 문화적 기질의 정의를 중심으로 -)

  • Choi, Sung-Woon;Cho, Eun-Hwan
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.19 no.2 s.64
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    • pp.129-138
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    • 2006
  • Design securing a dominant position currently in the global market has shown inherent culture of each country, i.d. national disposition. For instancess, there are Scandinavia emphasizing humanism, America adopting pragmatism, Germany reflecting the rational principle, Spain reflecting the daily an, Italian design being rationalism and impressionism. The members of society shall be under the control of the already formed social-cultural value and character. So culture shall restrict the internal manner of social behaviour and apply pressure to the action of main body. Also culture shall be under the control of social environment and each culture shall be materialized as per the disposition of the members of society. Now korean design has been attracted lots of interests and attention from global market because it is excellent in the aspect of application capability for new technology and also suggests the image of design produced through them. Now Korean design shall run side by side the application for formative element to be recognized by technical design as well as korean identity. So dear definition for national and cultural disposition shall be required to korean design education and design development. These prescribed efforts shall be a shortcut for globalization of korean design.

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A Study about the Legal Nature of Negotiations between NHIS and Pharmaceutical Company (국민건강보험공단과 제약사 간 의약품 관련 협상 행위의 법적 성격에 관한 고찰)

  • DUCKGYU JANG
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.23 no.4
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    • pp.3-28
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    • 2022
  • Recently, the targets and clauses of negotiation between 'National Health Insurance Service (NHIS)' and Pharmaceutical companies has been expanded. Due to newly adopted 'Quality management clause', 'Compulsory supply maintenance clause' and 'Penalty for breach of contract clause', not only 'Ministry of Health and Wellfare (MOHW)'s 'drug listing' and 'Price cap' announcement, but also 'negotiation between NHIS and pharmaceutical companies' can be a legal sanction to the suppliers. Once secretary of MOHW order NHIS to negotiate with pharmaceutical company, NHIS notify this order to the company and enter into the negotiation. 'The order' exists in the public domain between the government (MOHW) and public institutions (NHIS) and does not constrain the legal rights of companies (Therefore companies cannot pile a lawsuit about the order). However, 'the notice' or 'negotiation' is an act which has a counterpart, can be a target of administrative litigation if the company get some disadvantages from the talks. Negotiations can be divided into four types according to "the target (whether it is listed on the insurance benefit list)" and "the purpose (whether the target is price or conditional)." In particular, negotiations on listed drugs, whose goal is to set unfavorable conditions for companies, can be illegal if there is no price. So we need to consider compensation for the company as an incentive to negotiate.

Perception of military officers towards the military adaptation of adults who stutter and the associated factors (말더듬 성인의 군대 적응 정도에 대한 군지휘관의 인식 양상 및 관련 요인 분석)

  • Hye-rin Park;Jin Park
    • Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.55-64
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    • 2023
  • This study investigated the factors influencing the perceptions that military officers can harbor regarding persons who stutter in terms of how well they can adapt to the army. In total, 89 participants were randomly assigned to each of the three different conditions ("fluent speech"=23, "mildly stuttered speech"=34, and "severely stuttered speech"=32). Subsequently, the participants were asked to listen and rate each sample in terms of "the speaker's communicative functioning (i.e., speech fluency, intelligibility, naturalness, speech rate), personal traits (i.e., likeability, anxiety level, intellectual level, and sociability), and the perceived degree of the adaptability to the army." The results showed that significant differences were found between "fluent speech" and "severely stuttered speech" in the perceived communicative functionings and the perceived adaptability to the army. Moreover, there were significant differences in the same variables between "mildly stuttered speech" and "severely stuttered speech." However, there were no significant differences between "mildly stuttered speech" and "fluent speech." Following the conducting of the Pearson correlation test, strong correlations were also found between the perceived communicative functionings, in particular "speech fluency," and the perceived adaptability to the army. Those results can be employed to argue that the communicative functionings can serve as factors which influence the perceptions of persons who stutter in terms of how well they can adapt to the army. Further discussion has taken place regarding the relationship between the perceived communicative functionings and the perceived adaptability to the army.

A Study on the Cultural Landscape around Lotus Ponds of Fortress Wall of Seoul through Old Writings in the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 옛글을 통한 한양도성 연지(蓮池) 일대의 문화경관 고찰)

  • Gil, Ji-Hye;Son, Yong-Hoon;Hwang, Kee-Won
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.34 no.1
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    • pp.1-17
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    • 2016
  • The purpose of this paper is to understand the value of Dongji(東池), Seoji(西池) and Namji(南池), the lotus ponds of Fortress Wall of Seoul as part of the cultural landscape of the period through a consideration of personal behavior and impressive landscape characteristics via various old writings on each pond. The objects of this study include poems, diaries, travelogues and essays describing these ponds. The results are as follows. First, the preferred landscape elements of these three ponds were lotuses, willows and water itself. Second, while Dongji was recognized as a natural landscape, the composition of Seoji was a mixture of with natural and urban landscapes, and Namji was more urban altogether. Third, in aspects of personal behavior, while Dongji was a place where people broke their journeys to gaze at the scenery or looked down distantly, in Seoji, people stayed for a long time in a pavilion called Cheonyeon-jeong(天然亭) and engaged in various leisure activities, and in Namji, there were many gatherings under a temporary shelter or at a friend's house near the pond. Night was the best time to enjoy Namji because during the day, the area was crowded with people, horses, carts and so on. Fourth, the landscapes of fortress walls were impressively described often. Fifth, because these ponds were integrated into the surrounding area, they were like public openspaces mixed with water spaces, natural environment and adjacent facilities. The lotus ponds of the Fortress Wall of Seoul were located in a place connecting inside and outside of fortress, supplemented the cultural features in city, were valued as public openspace, and made it possible to experience the unique landscape of Hanyang. Although these ponds were buried and have now disappeared, they still hold great cultural meaning and potential value as water landscapes of the old city.

Examining the Debate of Social Security Pension Reform in the United States by 1996 (미국의 사회보장연금 개혁논쟁에 관한 고찰)

  • Won, Seok-Jo
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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    • v.51
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    • pp.5-28
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    • 2002
  • The purpose of this paper is to examine the issues and the characteristics of the recent social security pension debate in the United States. For the purpose the transforming process from the funded system to the pay-as-you-go system in the 1930s, three alternatives of social security reform proposed by the Social Security Administration in 1996, and the other various alternatives proposed by the politicians, the business leaders and the scholars were analysed. While the alternatives were compared, the critical issues could be identified. The core issues were as follows. First, the individual accounts should be newly made or not? Second, who is the main administrator, government or private investment companies? Third, what is important, the inter-generational and the vertical income redistribution effect or the individual equity in social security pension system? Besides, the different positions of the social forces were also examined. The supporters of privatizing the social security pension, supporters of IA and PSA, prefer the value of equity, the effect of promoting savings, the private management of the social security funds, and the investment of the funds to the private capital markets. The supporters of pay-as-you-go system, supporters of MB, prefer the inter-generational and the vertical income redistribution effect of social security pension, and were convinced that fundamental changes of the systems are not necessary, and the insolvency problem could be overcome through a few reform, for example, increasing the rate and decreasing the benefits.

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The Calculation Standards of a Unit Cost of Water in River Water (하천수 용수단가의 산정기준)

  • Lee, Young Kune;Park, Miri
    • Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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    • 2018.05a
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    • pp.83-83
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    • 2018
  • "하천법" 제50조는 하천수의 사용용도를 생활 공업 농업 환경개선 발전, 그리고 주운 등 하천수 사용용도를 다양화하고 있으나, 하천수 사용료의 징수대상은 발전용수, 농업용수, 생공용수, 그 밖의 용수 등 4개 용수를 대상으로 하고 있다. 발전용수는 $100m^3/d$ 에 대하여 연액 231원, 농업용수는 $1,000m^3/d$에 대하여 연액 231원(발전용수의 1/10), 생활 및 공업, 기타용수는 댐용수대를 적용(2018년 현재 52.7원/$m^3$)하고 있다. 댐용수 요금의 산정은 '댐용수를 공급하는데 소요되는 총괄 원가를 보상하는 수준'에서 결정되며, 총괄원가는 '댐용수를 공급하는데 소요되는 적정원가에 댐용수사업에 공여하고 있는 자산에 대한 적정투자보수를 가산한 금액'으로 한다. 우리나라의 생활용수 및 공업용수는 이처럼 "한국수자원공사법" 제16조제2항에 따라 국토부장관이 승인한 댐용수 단가를 적용한다. 댐용수의 산정기준은 댐용수를 공급하는데 소요되는 총괄원가이지만, 하천수로서의 생활용수 및 공업용수가 이러한 댐용수 단가를 적용하는 이유에 대해서는 이론의 여지가 있을 수 있다. 댐용수는 1987년 최초로 전국 동일요금이 적용되었고 그 이후로도 주기적으로 요금이 인상되었으며, 발전 및 농업용수는 2008년 "하천법 시행령" 개정에 의해 사용료가 결정되었다. 농업용수와 발전용수는 각 지자체의 조례에 의해 요금을 부과하였는데 최초의 단가는 농업용수가 톤당 0.00032원, 발전용수는 톤당 0.0032원, 그리고 공업용수는 톤당 0.0076원이 부과되었다. 이후 1981년 조례의 개정에 따라 공업용수는 관경에 따라 차등적인 요금체계가 확립되었는데 대략 톤당 0.01원으로 기존에 단가에 비해 비약적으로 증가하였다. 농업용수 및 발전용수의 단가가 1984년 대비 2배 상승한 것에 비해 공업용수단가는 약 7,000배가 상승하였다. 생활용수의 경우, 기존 조례에서 따로 정하지 않았고 2008년 하천법 개정과 더불어 각 조례에 규정되었다. 즉 2008년 이전까지는 생활용수에 대해 따로 요금기준이 없었던 것으로 파악된다. 이에 비하여 농업용수 및 발전용수는 1984년 2배로 상승한 뒤 현재까지 동일한 요금을 부과하고 있다. 2008년에 개정된 "하천법 시행령" 제57조(하천수 사용료의 징수)의 농업용수 및 발전용수의 단가는 기존 조례의 단가를 그대로 "하천법"이 계승한 것으로 해당 용수의 단가가 특정한 과학적 기준으로 정해진 것으로 보기는 어렵다. 따라서 현재와 같이 용수단가별로 나타나는 커다란 차이는 각 용수의 용도 및 성격, 사회적 영향 등 용수 속성에 관한 사항과 더불어 회귀율과 취배수거리 등 다양한 요인을 적용한 산정기준을 적용하는 것이 바람직할 것이다.

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The Origin of Changseung and Ongjung Stone (장승의 기원과 옹중석)

  • Chung, Seung Mo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.160-175
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    • 2013
  • There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.