• The Mathematical Education
• /
• v.33 no.1
• /
• pp.75-82
• /
• 1994

리더를 선출하는 기존의 선거 전략은 노드의 성능을 고려하지 않아서 양질의 리더를 선출할 수 없다. 이러한 문제점을 해결하기 위하여 성능을 고려하여 리더를 선출하는 방안에 대한 연구가 진행 되고 있다. 본 논문에서는 성능을 양방향 지연값을 선호도로 할 때, 선거전략중 다수결 선거 전략을 확률론적으로 분석하였다.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Broadcast Engineers Conference
• /
• 2016.06a
• /
• pp.95-98
• /
• 2016

민주주의의 꽃, 제 20 대 국회의원 선거가 막을 내렸다. 지난 선거에서는 방송사뿐만 아니라 정당들도 엄청난 비용 지출과 노력이 소요되었다. 한 예로, 지난 4. 13 총선거 (제 20 대 국회의원)에서 방송 3 사 출구조사 비용으로 약 66 억원 이상이 지출됐다. 그리고 정당에서는 여론조사 비용으로 약 70 억원 이상을 지출했다. 이러한 큰 비용 지출과, 담당자들의 노력을 줄이기 위해 본 논문에서는 텍스트 마이닝과 감정분석을 적용한 후보 당선자 예측 어플리케이션을 제안한다. 첫째, 소셜 그래프 모델을 소개하여 지역 구조를 발견한다. 둘째, 텍스트 마이닝 기법을 이용하여, 후보자 관련 데이터를 가공한다. 셋째, 텍스트 감정 분석을 통해 후보자의 정보를 수치화 한다. 본 논문의 성능과 효율성을 평가하기 위해, 제 20 대 국회의원 선거에 사례연구를 진행하였다. 제안한 방법이 정확도와 수학적 통계 검증을 통해 가치 있는 효율성을 보였다. 선거방송을 위한 후보자 예측 도구의 도입으로 향후 선거(방송)에서의 큰 비용과 노력을 줄이는데 도움을 줄 것이라 기대한다.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
• /
• v.18 no.1
• /
• pp.177-202
• /
• 2018

This study examined the characteristics of the records produced by the National Election Commission, which is designated as a constitutional institution in Korea, and derived problems by analyzing the status of its records management. This paper suggests improvement plans based on the findings. First, it investigated records and their features since the National Election Commission has been in service. The differences between works in the field and legislation were analyzed through literature surveys and staff interviews. The improvement plans were presented in terms of systems, facilities, human resources, and services. In particular, this study suggests focusing on the production of a large amount of the same records of the National Election Commission.

• Survey Research
• /
• v.2 no.1
• /
• pp.37-57
• /
• 2001

Much effort has been made to measure regional difference showing the pattern of regionalism in Korea. Focusing the concept of social distance. this paper examines various election and regional preference data. The paper presets three major findings. First. current election data show clear regional cleavage. Second. regional discrimination and prejudice is often found in one's everyday life. Third, political aspect of regionalism is strongly related to social aspect of regionalism. These findings suggest that regionalism in Korea will survive for the time being. The regionalism is rooted in everyday life . To political elites. it became an attractive and economic way to maintain their power. This tendency will promote the preference for parliamentary system among political elites and the possibility of appearance of regional party

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.25 no.3
• /
• pp.5-31
• /
• 2019

In the process of changing the Korean electoral system, various terms such as representation, majority, minority, plurality, and proportionality are not used correctly, making normative judgment on its desirable electoral system difficult. This paper clarifies the concepts and terminology related to the electoral system in order to enable proper normative discussion. First, the misuse of the names of the electoral system is reviewed. This includes the majority representative system versus the minority representative system, the single-member constituency versus the multi-member constituency, the absolute majority system versus the relative majority system, and the majority representative system versus the proportional representative system. Next, the principles of representation, proportionality, democracy, direct ballot, and equal ballot are discussed to evaluate the decisions made by the Constitutional Court of Korea. In the current electoral system of the National Assembly, the equivalence between its constituency member and its proportional representation member is very low in terms of proportionality between votes received and seats allotted. Finally, the coherence between proportional representation and other political institutions is examined. Strengthening the proportionality of parliamentary elections alone does not necessarily increase the proportionality of the entire power structure.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.13 no.1
• /
• pp.115-126
• /
• 2013

The purpose of this study is to understand the utility of election campaign advertising by applying Q methodology that draw upon schematic model in subjectivity study. A survey was carried out among college students to classify the 16 selected Q-statements into a normal distribution using a 7 point scale. The collected data was analyzed using QUANL program, and principal component analysis using varimax rotation was used to identify the types of perceived utility of election campaign advertising. Type I can be categorized by a strong concern for the advertising technique improvement, Type II can be categorized by advocating for interest induction and Type III can be categorized by the truth inducement. The use of Q methodology provides insights into audience perceptions on the utility of election campaign advertising that would not be available through traditional methodologies and offers a foundation for audience involvement to address and overcome concerns about the utility of advertising for election campaign.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.39-66
• /
• 2018

This paper analyzes the structures and issues of 2018 Korean local elections based on the author's observations on the electoral processes. Even if this paper does not follow a traditional statistical method, it provides the interpretative meanings of 2018 local elections by utilizing an expert's observations of campaign processes. This result of 2018 election can be summarized into two analytical frames. In terms of electoral competition structure, three key factors, such as presidential approval rating, party competition structure, ideological spectrum, tend to affect the winning of governing party. In the light of election issue, the inter-Korean summit, the Washington-Pyeongyang summit, Incheon deprecating remark were positive to the vote gains of governing party, but the negative campaign, the drucking scandal and the swing voters were found not to be significant. The local election in Korea tends to show dual meanings, a proxy war of national-level politics and a composition process of local government. This paper found that the 2018 election has dual meanings at the same time, in a sense that it is the punishment of the ex-governing party's wrongdoing and the power change of local government.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.35-67
• /
• 2019

This study aims to analyze and evaluate the outcomes of the far-right parties in the 2019 European Parliament (hereinafter EP) elections. To this end, this study refrains from the conventional method of analyzing the number of seats of the political group(s) classified as far-right in the EP. Instead, the study takes a method based on the party family classification by summing up the number of the EP members who have been elected to the far-right party within individual member states. There are two reasons for the analysis of EP election results based on this far-right party family. Firstly, some of the far-right members of the EP do not join the political group(s) classified as far-right, and secondly, some of the political group(s) classified as far-right tends to be inhomogeneous. In this vein, this study attempts to analyze the outcomes of the far-right party in the 2019 EP elections based on the classification of the far-right party family. As a result, this study shows that the assessment of the European major press based on the number of seats of the political group(s) classified as far-right in the EP was inconsistent with the actual political landscape. According to the analysis of election results based on the classification of the far-right party family, the number of seats secured by the far-right parties in the 2019 EP elections corresponded to or significantly exceeded the results of previous polls. In addition, this is a significant increase in the seats of the far-right parties compared to the 2014 EP elections, and it is reasonable to affirm that the far-right parties have made great strides in the 2019 EP elections.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.17 no.3
• /
• pp.5-28
• /
• 2011

이 논문은 선진민주주의 국가의 선거경쟁에서 제시되는 정당 매니페스토 자료와 사회정책 자료를 사용하여 국가별 정당 간 입장의 차이, 정부당파성과 복지국가의 관계, 그리고 복지국가 이슈에 관한 정당양극화의 문제에 대해 경험적 분석을 제시한다. 이 논문의 분석이 제시하는 바는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 선진민주주의 국가의 주요 좌우파 정당 간 사회정책 입장의 차이는 국가별로 편차를 보인다. 복지국가 이슈와 관련한 정당양극화의 정도는 기존 복지국가 체계의 특성, 선거제도, 또는 선거경쟁에서 나타나는 복지국가 이슈의 유형에 따라 다른 것으로 보인다. 둘째, 집권정당의 당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향을 확인할 수 있다. 셋째, 정당이 복지국가에 미치는 영향이 제한적이거나 혹은 제도적 맥락에 조건지어진다는 점을 고려할 필요가 있다. 어쩌면 정당 및 정부당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향은 협의제 민주주의(consensus democracies) 유형의 국가들보다는 다수제 민주주의(majoritarian democracies) 유형의 국가들에서 더 뚜렷하게 나타나는 것인지도 모른다. 넷째, 정당의 정책입장의 변화는 경쟁하는 주요정당의 정책변화에 영향을 받기도 한다. 또한 이슈유형에 따라 위치이슈와 합의이슈로 구분할 수 있는데, 각 국가별 선거경쟁과 복지국가 논의는 다양한 형태를 가지면서 진행된다.

• Nuclear industry
• /
• v.17 no.7 s.173
• /
• pp.46-47
• /
• 1997

미국에서 발행되는 원자력 전문지 는 6월 12일자에서 지난 6월 4일에 실시된 IAEA 사무총장 선거의 뒷이야기들을 엮어서 보도했다. 이 선거에는 우리나라의 정근모 박사가 입후보하여 많은 국민의 관심을 끌었던 만큼 그 전문을 번역하여 소개한다.