• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.147-177
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• 2017

Although a number of empirical studies found that political ideology plays a significant role in Korean elections, they entirely rely on cross-sectional data analysis. In contrast to previous research, this study investigates the effects of ideology in the 2012 Korean presidential election through standard panel data analysis. Specifically, using "EAI Panel Study, 2012", the effects of ideology on both candidate evaluation and vote choice were examined via fixed effects, random effects, and pooled regression analysis. And the results from applying the two most popular models of ideological voting, the proximity model and the directional change model were also compared. The results show that candidate evaluations and vote choice during the election (April, 2012- December, 2012) were significantly influenced by the ideological difference between voters and candidates, independent from partisanship and other standard socio-demographic factors. And this ideological voting during the election seems better captured by the directional change model than by the proximity model.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.14
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• pp.43-67
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• 2007

This is the study of efficient security system for candidates for the 17th President. The president election will be held in 20 countries this year. As conflicts between interest groups are expected to emerge, they are afraid of accidental raid in the campaign tour in addition to revival of regionalism and possibility of confrontation between interest groups with issues of anti-FTA In our country. The purpose of this study is to suggest appropriate method through study of security system for president candidate as just 6 months are left for the 17th president election. Also this study covers security environment for the president election, principle of security, and theoretical study for cause of terror, security system domestic and abroad and its analysis and how to provide the efficient security for president candidate. Therefore first, for desirable security the security should be provided by professional org like president security department. Second, combined security for target by current rules should be done. Fourth, total security is necessary to prevent security threats in advance. Third, the public security should be provided for every president candidates. Fifth, example of secret service in America should be studied and economical security should be considered Sixth, we should increase the use of Security Company and martial artists.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.19-35
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• 2021

The purpose of this research is to investigate the attributes of the online world and to analyze their influence on democracy. The research focuses on the mayoral by-elections that were held in Seoul and Busan, South Korea, on April 4, 2021. The study demonstrates the characteristics of online spaces and the polarization of the online public through news articles and user comments from the Internet. The research includes topic modeling to measure the diversity of media reports, sentiment analysis to measure online public opinion, and interrupted time series analysis to understand how a particular event influences online attitudes. A combination of these methods is used to attempt to estimate the strength of political polarity in the online environment. The study shows diverse media reports by election region and candidate, where the online public repeatedly reveals high negative and low positive attitudes towards each candidate. Moreover, political polarity can differ based on the level of interest in an election. Although voters pay less attention to a by-election than a presidential election, there is a solid political polarity in the online world. Hence, the research recommends preparing measures to alleviate the polarization as politics requires significant online participation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.113-146
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• 2006

This study explored how media and interpersonal communication affected voters in Busan mayoral by-election, focusing on the mutual relations among media use and attentive use of political campaign, interpersonal communication, and voting participation. Also, comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the decision of a candidate were examined. Additionally, it was analysed differential media effects on candidates' image. According to the results, the local media use and attentive use of political campaign had the influence on the increase of interpersonal communication about the election. Voters who had much interpersonal discussion with others participated more than voters who had less interpersonal discussion. Media use did not directly affect the participation of voting, but indirectly contributed to participation of voting through interpersonal discussion. The assumption of differential media effects on candidates image was partly proved. There were statistically significant differences in the factor of competence of candidates' image among three experimental groups (attentive use of TV discussion program, Internet web sites of two candidates, and printing materials of political advertisement). Furthermore, with three main vote variables, issues, candidates image, party identification, the results of comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the choice of a candidate suggested that a sense of oneness with a party was highly related to the choice of the candidates of the party, however, candidates' image was not related to the decision of a candidate. Political party had more impact on for whom to vote than candidates' image in this study.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.37-60
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• 2001

This study attempted to demonstrate the interaction effects between attitudinal frames of nine daily newspapers and community structure in the 1994s Michigan gubernatorial election. It was theoretically guided by framing research and the self-presentation theory of social-cognition perspective and empirically tested with archival data. For the purpose of this study, content analysis of nine statewide daily newspapers was employed in order to provide data on news framing. Data on voting rates for John Engler, winner of the 1994 Michigan Gubernatorial election, in each county of Michigan were used for vote choice while Michigan census data were used for constructing an Index of community structural differentiation. The results indicated that majority compliance frames were slightly more related with vote choice in homogeneous com-unities rather than were majority compliance frames in heterogeneous communities while social identification frames tended to have an influence on vote choice in heterogeneous communities more than did social identification frames in homogeneous communities.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.477-498
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• 2010

The Reasons which Rose Revolution, Orange Revolution, and Lemon Revolution had been much argued in international society are as follows: Firstly, the important fact was that authoritarian governments in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan were collapsed not by physical violences and military forces, but by unblooded civil movements, so called Civil Revolution. And it is also called as Colorful Revolution. Secondly, during the advance of three Civil Revolution, hegemony conflicts between Russia and western powers including US appeared. In fact, tensions between the two countries, Russia and US had already occurred in Post-soviet region after dissolution of Soviet Union. Thirdly, as a result of three Civil Revolution, there were built up fullest attentions in international societies about the possibilities of other civil revolutions, that is to say, 'Colorful Revolution' among the countries which were the republics of former USSR. In this respect, in this investigation of Lemon Revolution in Kyrgyzstan as like Rose Revolution in Georgia and Orange Revolution in Ukraine, this article examined the roles and supports toward NGOs of Western powers including US. To my opinion, it is likely that NGOs, with powerful sponsors, become political bodies working through networks and media rather than being rooted in civil society and acting on behalf of citizens. And that powerful sponsors, directly or indirectly financed by outside governments, become involved in political activities. So NGOs have been important roles in promoting civil revolution as political agencies and more political instruments of foreign governments. In the long run, through the Colorful Revolution, it is better to understand that hegemony struggle is beginning between external concerned superpowers including US and Russia, rather than hegemony struggle having directly broke out.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.13
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• pp.551-575
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• 2007

한국에서의 경찰제도는 국가경찰의 형태로 운영되어와 획일적이고 중앙집중식의 경찰활동에 대한 거부감이 전반적으로 있어왔다. 그러나 지역주민의 의사에 따른 자율규율에 의한 다원적 민주주의를 실현하고 국민의 기본권을 실질적으로 보장하기 위하여 지난 1995년 지방자치단체의 장과 지방의회 의원의 동시선거가 시행되어 온 이래 10여년이 흘렀다. 그러나 지방자치제도가 시행되기 이전부터 자치경찰제도에 대한 논의는 지속적으로 이루어져 왔다. 자치경찰제에 있어서 주요쟁점의 핵심사항은 자치경찰제를 도입하는 것의 득실관계라고 볼 것인데 이는 관점과 어느 측면에 중점을 둘 것인가에 따라 다르게 나타나게 된다. 지방자치의 존재 이유 중에는 주민 복지적 차원에서 주민의 안전보호가 중요한 부분을 차지하고 있다. 특히 자치경찰제는 수사권독립과 함께 지난 몇 대에 걸친 각 대통령의 선거공약이었기 때문에 노무현 정부 출범 이후 정부는 지방분권차원에서 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서 여러 가지 검토를 해 온 바 있다. 2004년 1월에 정부혁신지방분권위원회의 지방 분권과제 주요과제로 자치경찰제 방안을 검토하기 위해 위원, 관계 공무원 10명으로 자치경찰 T/F를 구성하여 운영한 이 후 자치경찰제 도입방안에 대하여 경찰정과 실시 단위 및 수행 사무 등 주요 쟁점에 대해 협의하면서 실천 가능한 방안을 마련하기 위해서 스페인, 프랑스, 이태리, 그리스 자치경찰기관을 현지 방문하여 외국 자치경찰 제도를 조사한 후 2004년 9월 중순에 자치경찰(안)을 발표하였다. 이 안은 크게 경찰을 사법경찰과 행정경찰로 구분하는 개념 하에 최초로 나온 자치경찰제에 대한 구체적 시행 안이라는 점에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있을 것이나 지금까지의 기대수준에 과연 부응하는 안이 될 수 있을 것인가에 대한 의문이 제기되고 있다. 동 사안은 2005년 하반기에 시범적으로 시행하고 민선 4기 자치단체장이 출범하는 2006년 하반기에 본격적으로 시행될 것으로 발표하고 발표와 동시에 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서는 본 자치경찰제 기본방향과 법안제정의 원칙과 구체적인 내용에 대한 토론회를 개최하는 등 다양한 홍보를 하였으나 여러 가지 문제점으로 인하여 아직 시행되지 못하고 있다. 따라서 과연 이 안이 한국에서의 자치경찰제 시행에 효과적인 안인가 그렇지 않으면 대선공약을 지키기 위한 일종의 정치적 고려를 한 졸속적인 안이 아닌가에 대한 논란이 제기되고 있다. 지금까지 한국에서는 자치경찰에 대한 많은 토의가 있어 왔으나 이번에 제하고 있고 현재 지방자치단체에서 시행하고 있는 기존 법집행방식과 거의 차이가 없는 상태시된 안은 적어도 지금까지 논의되어왔던 제도와는 매우 생소한 자치경찰 제도를 근간으로 에서 ‘무늬만 자치경찰’ 이라는 비판이 일각에서 제기되고 있는 실정이다. 현재 자치단체에서 시행하고 있는 행정 경찰적 기능을 다소 보완하고 제복착용과 조직을 하나 더 만든 정도가 아닌가 하는 정도이다. 그러므로 본 연구에서는 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서 제시한 자치경찰제도(안)을 중심으로 자치경찰제도 운용의 목적 충족과 실질적인 효과의 측면에서 분석하고 바람직한 자치경찰제도의 운용에 대해 살펴본다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.298-311
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• 2003

Building the new administration capital city, one of presidential candidate Moo-Hyun Rho's election pledges, is now listed as a priority national policy agenda of the Participation Government. However, so many people's negative attitudes ranging from cynical skepticism to firm objections against the national policy agenda may threaten its smooth policy actualization. At this juncture, this paper attempts to present persuasive arguments and discuss some critical issues to be considered for building the new administration capital city successfully. The paper begins with taking a look at the current state of hyper-concentration of Seoul agglomeration area and its harmful effects, paints a vision of 'an evenly developed country as a whole' via illustrating the vision from the Swiss case, and reviews the performance of the precedent governments' reform measures for rectifying the hyper-concentration of Seoul agglomeration area. And then, the paper argues for building the new administration capital city as a potent solution to the problem of excessive concentration of activities in Seoul agglomeration area, as well as a driving force to spur the government to realize the Participation Government' enthusiastic vision: 'a decentralized and evenly developed country as a whole' and 'the hub country in the Northeast Asia'. In addition, the paper discusses the location of the new administration capital city in connection with the forthcoming national unification. Lastly, the paper deals with the important issues such as the procedure of people's approval, the population size and legal status of the new administration capital city, the relationship between building the new administration capital city and decentralization reform, etc.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.47-68
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• 2020

Since the early 2000s, Korea has continued to increase the proportion of the elderly population due to low fertility and increased life expectancy. As a result, Korea has now entered the aging society. Because of this demographic change, proportion of active elderly have increased, and many academics, such as sociology, economics, and psychology, have conducted various studies on the active elderly. This study focused on active elderly based on the activity theory of old age and the positive effect of small community participation activity on the elderly. The purpose of this study is to examine whether active elderly' participation in everyday activities, small community participation of the elderly affect citizen participation actively in society as a citizen, and in the process, mediates the effect of small community cohesion and the moderating effect of small community selfishness. This study performed a stepwise regression analysis and a hierarchical regression analysis of 700 elderly people who are participated actively in various small communities. As a result, the partial mediating effect of small community cohesion was shown in the relationship between participation in everyday activities and citizen participation, and the moderating effect of small community selfishness was also shown. These findings suggest that government and interested parties need to develop and implement policies for the small community participation of elderly citizens in consideration of their small community activities, small community cohesion and small community egoism.