• Title/Summary/Keyword: 서방성

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Policy Study on Korean Retail Micro Business (국제 비교를 통한 소매업 소상공인 현황과 정책적 시사점)

  • Suh, Yong Gu;Kim, Suk Kyung
    • Journal of Distribution Research
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    • v.17 no.5
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    • pp.39-57
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    • 2012
  • The unabated influx of micro businesses has turned the Korean retailing market to a rat race, which causes severe financial distress for micro business owners due to heavy competition. The woes of these micro business owner's are exacerbated by the presence of large scale distributors such as Super Supermarket(SSM) and large discount stores. In summary, the Korean retail market is overburdened an uneconomically viable. Retailing has low barriers to entry which attracts unskilled labor or those with little capital. These start-ups have low opportunity costs since they would make low wages elsewhere in the economy. Thus, these owners are content with relatively low returns on their investment. These 'subsistence ventures' are maintained for economical viability rather than economic growth. These 'subsistence ventures' intensifies competition among small-scale businesses. The presence of large retail corporations also aggravates the situation. The recent stagnation of the economy has worsened the retail market in Korea. The overwhelming competition solidifies the coarse structural system and the prolonged economic sluggishness has increased the risk of insolvency for micro business owners. As the economy continues to stagnate, the imminent risk in retailing market will rise up to surface threatening economic stability. More systematic inflows and outflows of retailers are required in order to redress this structural problem. It has been empirically shown that the self-employment rate is high in Korea compared to other OECD countries. To draw the comparison of self-employment rate by industry, Korea shows high rates among transportation, whole sale, retail, education, lodging, and restaurants. In the case of the transportation and education service sectors, this high rate can be explained by the idiosyncratic nature of Korean culture. In the transportation sector, political policies favor private cap service and private freight carriers. In the education service sector, Koreans put particular emphasis on education that leads to many private institutions that outnumber other OECD countries. For these singular reasons, Korea maintains high micro business, self-employed rates particularly in retailing. A comparable nation is Japan, with its similar social, economic, cultural environment among OECD countries. Unlike Korea, Japan has much lower rates of micro business which continues to decrease. Also Korean retailers are much more destitute than Japanese. The fundamental problem of Korean retailing is the involuntary exit of these 'subsistence ventures,' micro businesses with low margins, in which a small drop in demand can lead to financial difficulties for the owner. This problem will be exacerbated when Korean babyboomers retire and join the micro business ventures. The first priority in order to cope with the severity of oversupply in retailing is to provide better opportunities for the potential self-employers. There should be viable alternatives to subsistent ventures. Strengthening the retirement program, scrutiny of exit process, reconfiguration of policy funds are the recommendations.

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Thailand in 2017: The Resurgence of "Sarit Model" and Thai-Style Democracy (2017년 타이: '싸릿모델'의 부활과 타이식 민주주의)

  • PARK, Eun-Hong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.2
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    • pp.213-247
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    • 2018
  • Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.

A study on the recent trends of Islamic extremism in Indonesia (인도네시아 이슬람 극단주의 실태 연구)

  • Yun, Min-Woo
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.50
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    • pp.175-206
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    • 2017
  • The current study described the history of Islamic extremism and the recent expansion of international Islamic extremism in Indonesia. For doing so, both content analysis of the existing written documents and qualitative interviews were conducted. For the content analysis, media reports and research articles were collected and utilized. For qualitative interviews, Indonesian students and workers in Korea, Korean spouses married to Indonesian, and Korean missionaries in Indonesia were contacted and interviewed. Qualitative interview was conducted between 30 minutes and 2 hours. On the spot, interviews were recorded and later transcribed into written documents. Due to the difficulty of identification of population and the uneasiness of accessability to th study subjects, convenient sampling and snowball sampling were used. According to the results, Islamic extremism in Indonesia had a deep historical root and generally shared similar historical experience with other muslim countries such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia where Islamic extremism was deeply rooted in. That is, Islamic extremism began as a reaction to the western imperialism, after independence, Islamic extremism elements were marginalized in the process of construction of the modern nation-state, and Islamic extremist movement was radicalized and became violent during the Soviet-Afghan War. In addition, after 9.11, Islamic extremism in Indonesia was connected to international Islamic extremism network and integrated into such global movement. Such a historical development of Indonesian Islamic extremism was quite organized and robust. Meanwhile, the eastward infiltration and expansion of international Islamic extremism such as IS and Al Qaeda was observed in Indonesia. Particularly, such a worrisome expansion was more clearly visible in the marginalized and underdeveloped countrysides in Indonesia. Such expansion in Indonesia could negatively affect on the security of South Korea. Geographically, Indonesia is proximate to South Korea. This geographical proximity could be a direct security threat to the Korean society, as if Islamic extremism in North Africa and Middle East becomes a direct security threat to Europe. Considering the presence of a large size of Indonesian immigrant workers and communities in South Korea, such a concern is very realistic. The arrest of an Indonesian Islamic extremism supporter in November, 2016, could be a harbinger of the coming trend of Islamic extremism expansion inside South Korea. The Indonesian Islamic community in South Korea could be a passage of Indonesian Islamic extremism into the South Korean society. In this context, it is timely and necessary to pay an attention to the recent trend of Islamic extremism expansion in Indonesia.

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A Study on Understanding of Middle-East Terrorism : Focusing on Islamic Fundamentalism (이슬람 원리주의를 통해 본 중동지역테러리즘의 이해)

  • Park, Gi-Beom;Kang, Min-Wan;Jun, Yong-Tae
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.12
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    • pp.149-175
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    • 2006
  • The purpose of this study is to understand and analyze the character of Islamic fundamentalism and Middle-Ease Terrorism. The aim of Islamic fundamentalism is reconstruction of Ummah(Muslim Unity), thee early society of Muhammad's age. Islamic movement insist to restore the spirit of Islam and purify the society of Islam from the United State and Western world. Now, Islamic fundamentalism movement as a new ideology, appeals to muslim in the world. The concept of modern national state from the Western countries do not accord with the traditional Islamic principles of reign and a spirit of nationalism. On the other hand, Islamic movement have no legitimacy in the system of modern state which govern the Arab world, regardless of the form of government. For this reasons, Islamic fundamentalist have an insecure position and their political activities. It is yet far from their purpose, to reconstruct the muslim unity, to realize the Islamic political principle close to their practical methods. Yet Islamic fundamental movement have not overcome the system of secular state. The Middle East terrorism supported by government might be eradicated by America's anti-terrorism policy. However, it will be serious and spread all over the world that the terrorist attack against the U. S. and western countries is acted by militant warriors of Islamic fundamentalism, uniting Arab and Islamic people's emotions against America and western countries. There are some reasons that we need to focus on the Arab and Islamic fundamentalism. We need to get out of misunderstanding and discrimination about Islamic religion and culture from America's and Western' standard Which are only their new world order. The discrimination of America and western nations against muslim could make other ideologies, opposite to the world peace. There are a lot of foreign workers from Islam countries in Korea. We need to give consideration and attention to them for the our globalization and world peace. It is time to consider what to do for the nation's profit(economical, political, strategic)with right understanding. We are not safe and free from the terrorism yet.

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Comparisons of 12-Hour and 24-Hour Sustained-Release Theophyllines in the Management of Asthma (천식치료에서 서방형 Theophylline의 1일 1회 제형과 1일 2회 제형의 비교)

  • Lee, Yang-Deok;Park, Seoung-Ju;Lee, Heung-Bum;Lee, Yong-Chul;Rhee, Yang-Keun
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.50 no.3
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    • pp.293-299
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    • 2001
  • Background : Sustained-release theophylline, which is generally prescribed as a twice-daily equal-dose regimen, is one of the more common asthma treatments. The development of a sustained-release drug delivery technology that enables improved control of the theophylline blood levels represents a significant advancement in both the efficacy and safety of dosing. Method : A crossover study was conducted with 25 adult chronic asthmatic patients requiring daily bronchodilator therapy. The study group included thirteen males and twelve females with ages ranging from 19 to 71 years. The overall approach was to place the patients first on the twice-daily preparation($Etheophyl^{(R)}$) for 28 days at 8 AM and 8 PM, and measure the pulmonary function and theophylline level on the 28th day. The patients were subsequently switched to the once-daily preparation($Uniphyl^{(R)}$) in the same daily dose at 8 PM on the 29th day and the same parameters were measured on the 56th day. Results : The mean serum levels of theophylline were $8.18{\pm}1.66\;{\mu}g/ml$ in the $Etheophyl^{(R)}$-treated period and $8.00{\pm}1.75\;{\mu}g/ml$ in the $Uniphyl^{(R)}$-treated period. ln addition, the $FEV_1$ showed $71.40{\pm}7.48$ percent in the $Etheophyl^{(R)}$-treated and $69.18{\pm}9.00$ percent in the $Uniphyl^{(R)}$-treated period. Thus there were no significant differences between the once-daily and twice-daily preparation. Conclusion : The results indicated little clinical differences between the two medications. The two drugs are equally effective in controlling asthma over the four weeks of treatment.

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Thailand in 2016: The Death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej and the Uncertainty in Political Economy (태국 2016: 푸미폰 국왕의 서거와 정치·경제적 불확실성)

  • KIM, Hong Koo;LEE, Mi Ji
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.245-271
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

A comparative study on Diaspora consciousness of polish emigrants before and after the transformation of the political system reflected in the polish literary works (2) (체제전환 이전과 이후 폴란드 문학에 나타난 폴란드 이민자들의 디아스포라적 의식 비교 연구 (2))

  • Choi, Sung Eun
    • East European & Balkan Studies
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    • v.35
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    • pp.153-186
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    • 2013
  • Literature has been special for the Polish who suffered from the numerous invasions from surrounding countries for her geographical location at the center of Europe. In the late 18th century at a time when Poland was divided and ruled by Russia, Prussia and Austria, literature played an important role in uniting Poland. During the 2nd world war in which Poland was occupied by the Soviet Union and by Germany, and during the Cold War period under socialism system(1948~1989), the Polish literature was in the front to keep unique national culture with overseas migration community at the center. The Polish Diaspora literature from 19th century up to now has naturally embodied national sufferings from foreign powers in their literary tradition linked to the problem of 'migration'. In addition, they belong to other cultural sphere, but keep their own unique identity, which is similar to Korean Diaspora literature to a great degree. This study has two stages. In the first stage, it figures out the formation and trend of the Polish Diaspora literature followed by their meaning in the history of Polish literature. In the second stage, specific texts (two dramas) are analyzed before and after system transition in 1989. * Before system transition: S. Mrożek, Emigranci (1974), * After system transition: J. Głowacki, Antygona w Nowym Yorku (1992) Mrożek and Głowacki had themselves migration experiences with high achievement and recognition in literature not only in Poland but also in the world. In their works, hardships as 'strangers' in foreign countries, emotional wandering and agony, nostalgia to lost home land and exploration of identity were described vividly. By comparing the 2 literature texts, this study attempts to trace the change of Diaspora consciousness which Polish migrants experienced in foreign countries with different political system like socialism and capitalism.

The History of the Josadang and Its Meaning as Seen Through the Murals of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa, Yeoungju (부석사 조사당 신장 벽화를 통해 본 조사당 건립의 배경과 의미)

  • SHIM Yeoung Shin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.64-78
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    • 2023
  • This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.