• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.59-89
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• 2009

The objectives of the 1963 Tokyo Convention cover a variety of subjects, with the intention of providing safety in aircraft, protection of life and property on board, and promoting the security of civil aviation. These objectives will be treated as follows: first, the unification of rules on jurisdiction; second, the question of filling the gap in jurisdiction; third, the scheme of maintaining law and order on board aircraft; fourth, the protection of persons acting in accordance with the Convention; fifth, the protection of the interests of disembarked persons; sixth, the question of hijacking of aircraft; and finally some general remarks on the objectives of the Convention. The Tokyo Convention mainly deals with general crimes such as murder, violence, robbery on board aircraft rather than aviation terrorism. The Article 11 of the Convention deals with hijacking in a simple way. As far as aviation terrorism is concerned 1970 Hague Convention and 1971 Montreal Convention cover the hijacking and sabotage respectively. The Problem of national jurisdiction over the offence and the offender was as tangled at the Hague and Montreal Convention, as under the Tokyo Convention. Under the Tokyo Convention the prime base of jurisdiction is the law of the flag (Article 3), but concurrent jurisdiction is also allowed on grounds of: territorial principle, active nationality and passive personality principle, security of the state, breach of flight rules, and exercise of jurisdiction necessary for the performance of obligations under multilateral agreements (Article 4). No Criminal jurisdiction exercised in accordance with national law is excluded [Article 3(2)]. However, Article 4 of the Hague Convention(hereafter Hague Article 4) and Article 5 of the Montreal Convention(hereafter Montreal Article 5), dealing with jurisdiction have moved a step further, inasmuch as the opening part of both paragraphs 1 and 2 of the Hague Article 4 and the Montreal Article 5 impose an obligation on all contracting states to take measures to establish jurisdiction over the offence (i.e., to ensure that their law is such that their courts will have jurisdiction to try offender in all the circumstances covered by Hague Article 4 and Montreal Article 5). The state of registration and the state where the aircraft lands with the hijacker still on board will have the most interest, and would be in the best position to prosecute him; the paragraphs 1(a) and (b) of the Hague Article 4 and paragraphs 1(b) and (c) of the Montreal Article 5 deal with it, respectively. However, paragraph 1(b) of the Hague Article 4 and paragraph 1(c) of the Montreal Article 5 do not specify if the aircraft is still under the control of the hijacker or if the hijacker has been overpowered by the aircraft commander, or if the offence has at all occurred in the airspace of the state of landing. The language of the paragraph would probably cover all these cases. The weaknesses of Hague Article 4 and Montreal Article 5 are however, patent. The Jurisdictions of the state of registration, the state of landing, the state of the lessee and the state where the offender is present, are concurrent. No priorities have been fixed despite a proposal to this effect in the Legal Committee and the Diplomatic Conference, and despite the fact that it was pointed out that the difficulty in accepting the Tokyo Convention has been the question of multiple jurisdiction, for the reason that it would be too difficult to determine the priorities. Disputes over the exercise of jurisdiction can be endemic, more so when Article 8(4) of the Hague Convention and the Montreal Convention give every state mentioned in Hague Article 4(1) and Montreal Article 5(1) the right to seek extradition of the offender. A solution to the problem should not have been given up only because it was difficult. Hague Article 4(3) and Montreal Article 5(3) provide that they do not exclude any criminal jurisdiction exercised in accordance with national law. Thus the provisions of the two Conventions create additional obligations on the state, and do not exclude those already existing under national laws. Although the two Conventions do not require a state to establish jurisdiction over, for example, hijacking or sabotage committed by its own nationals in a foreign aircraft anywhere in the world, they do not preclude any contracting state from doing so. However, it has be noted that any jurisdiction established merely under the national law would not make the offence an extraditable one under Article 8 of the Hague and Montreal Convention. As far as international aviation terrorism is concerned 1988 Montreal Protocol and 1991 Convention on Marking of Plastic Explosives for the Purpose of Detention are added. The former deals with airport terrorism and the latter plastic explosives. Compared to the other International Terrorism Conventions, the International Aviation Terrorism Conventions do not have clauses of the passive personality principle. If the International Aviation Terrorism Conventions need to be revised in the future, those clauses containing the passive personality principle have to be inserted for the suppression of the international aviation terrorism more effectively. Article 3 of the 1973 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against Internationally Protected Persons, Including Diplomatic Agents, Article 5 of the 1979 International Convention against the Taking of Hostages and Article 6 of the 1988 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime Navigation would be models that the revised International Aviation Terrorism Conventions could follow in the future.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.3
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• pp.89-98
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• 1965

The experimental studies were intended to clarify the effects of selection, and also aimed at estimating the heritabilities, the genotypic correlations among some agronomic characters, and at calculating the selection index on some selective characters for the selection of desirable lines, under different climatic conditions. Finally practical implications of these studies, especially on the selection index, were discussed. Twenty-two varieties, determinate growing habit type, were selected at random from the 138 soybean varieties cultivated the year before, were grown in a randomized block design with three replicates at Chinju, Korea, under May and June sowing conditions. The method of estimating heritabilities for the eleven agronomic characters-flowering date, maturity date, stem length, branch numbers per plant, stem diameter, plant weight, pod numbers per plant, grain numbers per plant and 100 grain weight, shown in Table 3, was the variance components procedures in a replicated trial for the varieties. The analysis of covariance was used to obtain the genotypic correlations and phenotypic correlations among the eight characters, and the selection indexes for some agronomic characters were calculated by Robinson's method. The results are summarized as follows: Heritabilities : The experiment on the genotype-environment interaction revealed that in almost all of the characters investigated the interaction was too large to be neglected and materially affected the estimates of various genotypic parameters. The variation in heritability due to the change of environments was larger in the characters of low heritability than in those of high heritability. Heritability values of flowering date, fruiting period (days from flowering to maturity), stem length and 100 grain weight were the highest in both environments, those of yield(grain weight) and other characters were showed the lower values(Table 3). These heritability values showed a decreasing trend with the delayed sowing in the experiments. Further, all calculated heritability values were higher than anticipated. This was expected since these values, which were the broad sense heritability, contain the variance due to dominance and epistasisf in addition to the additive genetic variance. Genotypic correlations : Genotypic correlations were slightly higher than the corresponding phenotypic correlations in both environments, but the variation in values due to the change of environment appeared between grain weight and some other characters, especially an increase between grain weight and flowering date, and the total growing period(Table 6). Genotypic correlations between grain weight and other characters indicated that high seed yield was genetically correlated with late flowering, late maturity, and the other five characters namely branch numbers per plant, stem diameter, plant weight, pod numbers per plant and grain numbers per plant, but not with 100 grain weight of soybeans. Pod numbers and grain numbers per plant were more closely correlated with seed yields than with other characters. Selection index : For the comparison and the use of selection indexes in the selection, two kinds of selection indexes were calculated, the former was called selection index A and the later selection index B as shown in Table 7. Selection index A was calculated by the values of grain weight per plant as the character of yield(character Y), but the other, selection index B, was calculated by the values of pod numbers per plant, instead of grain weight per plant, as the character of yield'(character Y'). These results suggest that selection index technique is useful in soybean breeding. In reality, however, as the selection index varies with population and environment, it must be calculated in each population to which selection is applied and in each environment in which the population is located. In spite of the expected usefulness of selection index technique in soybean breeding, unsolved problems such as the expense, time and labor involved in calculating the selection index remain. For these reasons and from these experimental studies, it was recognized that in the breeding of self-fertilized soybean plants the selection for yield should be based on a more simple selection index such as selection index B of these experiments rather than on the complex selection index such as selection index A. Furthermore, it was realized that the selection index for the selection should be calculated on the basis of the data of some 3-4 agronomic characters-maturity date(X$_1$), branch numbers per plant(X$_2$), stem diameter(X$_3$) and pod numbers per plant etc. It must be noted that it should be successful in selection to select for maturity date(X$_1$) which has high heritability, and the selection index should be calculated easily on the basis of the data of branch numbers per plant(X$_2$), stem diameter(X$_3$) and pod numbers per plant, directly after the harvest before drying and threshing. These characters should be very useful agronomic characters in the selection of Korean soybeans, determinate growing habit type, as they could be measured or counted easily thus saving time and expense in the duration from harvest to drying and threshing, and are affected more in soybean yields than the other agronomic characters.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.33-62
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• 1972

Pitch pine (Pinus rigida Miller) in Korea has become one of the major silvicultural species for many years since it was introduced from the United States of America in 1907. To attain the more rational wood utilization basical researches on wood properties are primarily needed, since large scale of timber production from Pitch Pine trees has now been accomplishing in the forested areast hroughout the country. Under the circumustances, this experiment was carried out to study the wood anatomical, physical and mechanical properties of Pitch Pine grown in the country. Materials used in this study had been prepared by cutting the selected pitch pine trees from the Seoul National University Forests located in Suwon. To obtain and compare the anatomical and physical properties of the different parts of tree such as stem, branch, top and rootwood, this study had been divided into two categories (anatomical and physical). For the anatomical study macroscopical and microscopical features such as annual ring, intercellular cannal, ray, tracheid, ray trachid, ray parenchyma cell and pit etc. were observed and measured by the different parts (stem, branch, root and topwood) of tree. For the physical and mechanical properties the moisture content of geen wood, wood specific gravity, shrinkage, compression parallel to the grain, tension parallel and perpendicular to the grain, radial and tangential shear, bending, cleavage and hardness wree tested. According to the results this study may be concluded as follows: 1. The most important comparable features in general properties of wood among the different parts of tree were distinctness and width of annual ring, transition from spring to summerwood, wood color, odor and grain etc. In microscopical features the sizes of structural elements of wood were comparable features among the parts of tree. Among their features, length, width and thickness of tracheids, resin ducts and ray structures were most important. 2. In microscopical features among the different parts of tree stem and topwood were shown simillar reults in tissues. However in rootwood compared with other parts on the tangential surface distinctly larger ray structures were observed and measured. The maximum size of unseriate ray was attained to 27 cell ($550{\mu}$) height in length and 35 microns in width. Fusiform rays were formed occasionally the connected ray which contain one or several horizontal cannals. Branchwood was shown the same features like stemwood but the measured values were very low in comparing with other parts of tree. 3. Trachid length measured among the different parts of tree were shown largest in stem and shortest in branchwood. In comparing the tracheid length among the parts the differences were not shown only between stem and rootwood, but shown between all other parts of tree. Trachid diameters were shown widest in rootwood and narrowest in branchwood, and the differences among the different parts were not realized. Wall thickness were shown largest value in rootwood and smallest in branchwood, and the differences were shown between root and top or branchwood, and between stem and branch or top wood, but not shown between other parts of tree. 4. Moisture contents of green wood were shown highest in topwood and lowest in heartwood of stem. The differences among the different parts were recognized between top or heartwood and other parts of tree, but not between root and branchwood or root and sapwood. 5. Wood specific gravities were shown highest in stem and next order root and branchwood, but lowest in topwood. The differences were shown clearly between stemwood and other parts of tree, but not root and branchwood. However the significant difference is realized as most lowest value in topwood. 6. In compression strength parallel to the grain compared among the different parts of tree at the 14 percent of moisture content, highest strength was appeared in stem, next order branch and rootwood, but lowest in topwood. 7. In bending strength compared among the different parts of tree at the 14 percent of moisture content clearly highest strength was shown in branchwood, next order stem and root, but lowest in topwood. Though the branchwood has lower specific gravity than stemwood it was shown clearly high bending strength.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.105
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• pp.49-74
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• 2008

Le but de notre recherche est $d^{\prime}{\acute{e}}clairer$ la nature du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi aux actes humaines dnas le Thomisme. Dans le Thomisme la nature humaine qui a la raison et la $volont{\acute{e}}$ a une $intentionnalit{\acute{e}}$ ver la fin ultime. De sorte que les actes humaines qui $corr{\grave{e}}spondent$ cette nature humaine a un $caract{\grave{e}}re$ du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi visant toujours plus que le $pr{\acute{e}}sent$. Le fondement de cet acte du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi est $l^{\prime}{\hat{a}}me$ rationelle qui est la forme substantielle de l'homme et de soi subsistante. Chez st. Thomas ce $caract{\grave{e}}re$ du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ a trois ${\acute{e}}taps$ distinctes : (1)le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ dans l'ordre du $progr{\grave{e}}s$ naturel (2)le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans l'ordre morale (3)le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans l'ordre de la religion. Le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ dans l'ordre du $progr{\grave{e}}s$ naturel apparaît d'abord au $caract{\grave{e}}re$ de $l^{\prime}{\hat{a}}me$ rationelle. St. Thomas $d{\acute{e}}finit$ les vertus rationelles comme $^{\prime}pl{\acute{e}}nitude$ dans le $f{\acute{e}}blesse$, parce qu'il $consid{\grave{e}}re$ la vertu rationelle comme $finalit{\acute{e}}$ des $facult{\acute{e}}s$ du sens $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$. L'homme par le sens $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$ reçoit des $esp{\grave{e}}ces$ sensibles(especies sensibilis), et $poss{\grave{e}}de$ les images. Puis cette images sensible devenant la $r{\acute{e}}alit{\acute{e}}$ spirituelle sous forme du $m{\acute{e}}moire$ et du souvenir, devient aussi la partie de son existence. Donc chez st. Thomas la vertue rationnelle n'est pas simplement un $facult{\acute{e}}$ $sp{\acute{e}}culative$, mais elle est dans l'ordre du devenir et du $pl{\acute{e}}nitude$. A cette raison st. Thomas compare la raison(ratio) comme $g{\acute{e}}n{\acute{e}}ration$(generatio) et l'intelleigence(intellectus) comme ${\hat{e}}tre$(esse). C'est-${\grave{a}}$-dire la raison $d{\acute{e}}passe$ le sensible et l'intelligence $d{\acute{e}}passe$ la raison. Le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans l'ordre morale $li{\acute{e}}$ au $progr{\grave{e}}s$ de la conscience. Chez st. Thomas la perception de l'objet $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$ ayant pour but d'avoir conscience de soi, se perfectionne ${\grave{a}}$ ceci. D'avoir conscience de soi signifie d'avoir $l^{\prime}identit{\acute{e}}$ de soi, et de-$l{\grave{a}}$ apparaît l'acte moral en tnat qu'acte $sp{\acute{e}}cifique$ humain. La raison pour laquelle la vie morale elle-$m{\hat{e}}me$ a un $caract{\grave{e}}$ du $d{\acute{e}}passement$, c'est que l'acte humaine qui corresfonde ${\grave{a}}$ $l^{\prime}identit{\acute{e}}$ du soi est une vie qui vise toujours plus que le $pr{\acute{e}}sent$ ou $l^{\prime}id{\acute{e}}al$. Quant au problem du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ dans l'ordre de la religion, chez st. Thomas en raison de $l^{\prime}affinit{\acute{e}}$ entre Dieu et l'homme, $o{\grave{u}}$ il y a des vertues infuses(virtutes infusas), il y a une sorte du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ religieux. Car ces vertues infuses signifie la communication entre Dieu(${\hat{E}}tre$ absolu) et l'homme(${\hat{e}}tre$ fine) et cela signifie le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de l'humain vers le divin. Cette $id{\acute{e}}e$ thomiste permet de penser que $o{\grave{u}}$ il y a un $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans la vie religuse d'une personne, il y a une intervention $r{\acute{e}}elle$ de la providence divine. Cette $pens{\acute{e}}e$ thomiste sera alors un $caract{\grave{e}}$ $r{\acute{e}}aliste$ face ${\grave{a}}$ la $pens{\acute{e}}e$ $id{\acute{e}}aliste$ qui n'admette que le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ absolu comme $d{\acute{e}}passement$ religieux.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.16
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• pp.303-339
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• 2007

"The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.154-175
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• 2009

At the present state, studies on Gyeongbok palace are being done with history of architecture, records, and art. However, these studies have limits that they can only depend on existing buildings and record, which make it hard to research whole aspect of palaces. The foundation remains(Jeoksim) of Gyeongbok palace in the ground gives important clues that can fill the gaps of these studies. Thus I analysed jeoksim of Gyeongbok palace, assorted them by type, scale, material, and construction method. I examined jeoksim used by various types of building, and looked at changes by periods. Jeoksims are classified in 21 types. The foundation(jeoksim) varies according to types of buildings, building types and material of jeoksim also varies along the periods, and the fact proves certain peroid of time has its own jeoksim style in fashion. Jeoksims of Gyeongbok palace are divided into round-shape(I), rounded square-shape(II), rectangular-shape(III), square-shape(IV), and whole foundation of building(V) by the plane shape. They can be divided again into 21 types by construction techniques and materials used. During early Joseon(I), only three types of jeoksim; round-shape riprap jeoksim(1-1), II-1(rounded square-shape), II-2a(rounded square-shape riprap+roofingingtile brick), had been built, but as 19th century begun, all 21 types of jeoksim had built. In 19th century during Emperor Gojong, different types of jeoksim by periods were built, and especially different materials were used. During Gojong year 2(1865)~year 5(1868), in which Gyeongbok palace were rebuilt, 7 out of 10 types of jeoksim used piece of roofinging tile and brick mixture, in contrast, during Gojong year 10(1873)~13(1876), or 25(1888), 3 out of 5 types of jeoksim used sandy soil with mixture of plaster. Meanwhile palace buildings have different names by the class of owner and use such as Jeon, Dang, Hap, Gak, Jae, Heon, Nu, and Jeong, which were classified by types and buildings were built according to each level. With an analysis of jeoksim by its building types, I ascertained that jeoksim were built differently in accordance to building types(Jeon, Dang, Hap, Gak, Jae, Heon, Nu, and Jeong). By the limitation of present document, only some types of buildings such as Jeon, Dang, Gak, Bang were confirmed, as for Jeon and Gak, square-shape(IV) built with rectangular parallelepiped stone, and for Dang and Bang, rounded square-shape(IV) built with roofinginginging tile and riprap were commonly used. From the fact that other jeoksim with uncertain building names, were mostly built in early Joseon, we learn that round-shape riprap jeoksim(1-1) were commonly built. Therefore, the class of building was higher if the owner was in higher class, jeoksim is also considered to be built with the strongest and best material. And for Dang and Bang, rounded square-shape jeoksim were used, Dang has lots of II-2a (riprap + piece of roofing tile and brick rounded square-shape) type which mainly used riprap and piece of roofing tile and brick, but Bang has lots of II-2b (piece of roofing tile and brick+(riprap+piece of roofing tile and brick rounded square-shape), which paved piece of roofing tile and brick by 15~20cm above. These jeoksim by building types were confirmed to have changed its construction type by period. As for Jeon and Gak, they were built with round-shape riprap jeoksim(1-1) in early Joseon(14~15c), but in late Joseon(19c), various types of Jeoksim were built, especially square-shape(IV) were commonly built. For Dang, only changes in later Joseon were confirmed, jeoksim built in Gojong year 4(1867) mostly used mixture of riprap and piece of roofing tile and brick. In Gojong year 13(1876) or year 25(1888), unique type of plaster with sand and coal and soil layered jeoksim were built that are not found in any other building types. Through this study, I learned that various construction types of jeoksim and material were developed in later Joseon compare to early Joseon. This states that construction technique of building foundation of palace has upgraded. Above all, I learned jeoksim types are all different for various kinds of buildings. This tells us that when they constructed foundation of building, they used pre-calculated construction technique.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.89-122
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• 2019

In this paper, I argue that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers by Jeong Su-yeong (1743~1831, pseudonym: Jiwujae) is a record of his private journeys to several places on the outskirts of Hanyang (present-day Seoul) and that it successfully embodies the painter's subjective perspective while boating on these rivers and going on outings to nearby mountains. Around 1796, Jeong Su-yeong traveled to different places and documented his travels in this 16-meter-long handscroll. Several leaves of paper, each of which depicts a separate landscape, are pieced together to create this long handscroll. This indicates that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers reflected the painter's personal subjective experiences as he went along his journey rather than simply depicts travel destinations. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers features two types of travel: boating and mountain outings on foot. Traveling by boat takes up a large portion of the handscroll, which illustrates the channels of the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers. Mountain outings correspond to the sections describing the regions around Bukhansan, Gwanaksan, and Dobongsan Mountains. Jeong Su-yeong traveled to this wide span of places not just once, but several times. The fact that the Hangang River system are not presented in accordance with their actual locations shows that they were illustrated at different points. After visiting the riversides of the Hangang and Namhangang Rivers twice, Jeong Su-yeong delineated them in fourteen scenes. Among them, the first eight illustrate Jeong's initial trip by boat, while the other six scenes are vistas from his second trip. These fourteen scenes occupy half of this handscroll, indicating that the regions near the Hangang River are painted most frequently. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's first boating trip to the system of the Hangang River portray the landscapes that he personally witnessed rather than famous scenes. Some of the eight scenic views of Yeoju, including Yongmunsan Mountain, Cheongsimru Pavilion, and Silleuksa Temple, are included in this handscroll. However, Jeong noted spots that were not often painted and depicted them using an eye-level perspective uncommon for illustrating famous scenic locations. The scenes of Jeong's second boating trip include his friend's villa and a meeting with companions. Moreover, Cheongsimru Pavilion and Silleuksa Temple, which are depicted in the first boating trip, are illustrated again from different perspectives and in unique compositions. Jeong Su-yeong examined the same locations several times from different angles. A sense of realism is demonstrated in the scenes of Jeong's first and second boating trips to the channels of the Hangang River, which depict actual roads. Furthermore, viewers can easily follow the level gaze of Jeong from the boat. The scenes depicting the Imjingang River begin from spots near the Yeongpyeongcheon and Hantangang Rivers and end with places along the waterways of the Imjingang River. Here, diverse perspectives were applied, which is characteristic of Imjingang River scenes. Jeong Su-yeong employed a bird's-eye perspective to illustrate the flow of a waterway starting from the Yeongpyeongcheon River. He also used an eye-level perspective to highlight the rocks of Baegundam Pool. Thus, depending on what he wished to emphasize, Jeong applied different perspectives. Hwajeogyeon Pond located by the Hantangang River is illustrated from a bird's-eye perspective to present a panoramic view of the surroundings and rocks. Similarly, the scenery around Uhwajeong Pavilion by the Imjingang River are depicted from the same perspective. A worm's-eye view was selected for Samseongdae Cliff in Tosangun in the upper regions of the Imjingang River and for Nakhwaam Rock. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's mountain outings include pavilions and small temple mainly. In the case of Jaeganjeong Pavilion on Bukhansan Mountain, its actual location remains unidentified since the pavilion did not lead to the route of the boating trip to the system of the Hangang River and was separately depicted from other trips to the mountains. I speculate that Jaeganjeong Pavilion refers to a pavilion either in one of the nine valleys in Wooyi-dong at the foot of Bukhansan Mountain or in Songajang Villa. Since these two pavilions are situated in the valleys of Bukhansan Mountain, their descriptions in written texts are similar. As for Gwanaksan Mountain, Chwihyangjeong and Ilganjeong Pavilions as well as Geomjisan Mountain in the Bukhansan Mountain range are depicted. Ilganjeong Pavilion was a well-known site on Gwanaksan that belonged to Shin Wi. In this handscroll, however, Jeong Su-yeong recorded objective geographic information on the pavilion rather than relating it to Shin Wi. "Chwihyangjeong Pavilion" is presented within the walls, while "Geomjisan Mountain" is illustrated outside the walls. Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers also includes two small temples, Mangwolam and Okcheonam, on Dobongsan Mountain. The actual locations of these are unknown today. Nevertheless, Gungojip (Anthology of Gungo) by Yim Cheonsang relates that they were sited on Dobongsan Mountain. Compared to other painters who stressed Dobong Seowon (a private Confucian academy) and Manjangbong Peak when depicting Dobongsan Mountain, Jeong Su-yeong highlighted these two small temples. Jeong placed Yeongsanjeon Hall and Cheonbong Stele in "Mangwolam small temple" and Daeungjeon Hall in front of "Okcheonam small temple." In addition to the buildings of the small temple, Jeong drew the peaks of Dobongsan Mountain without inscribing their names, which indicates that he intended the Dobongsan peaks as a background for the scenery. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers is of great significance in that it embodies Jeong Su-yeong's personal perceptions of scenic spots on the outskirts of Hanyang and records his trips to these places.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.5-46
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• 2021

The film Moranbong is the product of a trip to North Korea in 1958, when Armangati, Chris Marker, Claude Lantzmann, Francis Lemarck and Jean-Claude Bonardo left at the invitation of Joseon Film. However, for political reasons, the film was not immediately released, and it was not until 2010 that it was rediscovered and received attention. The movie consists of the narratives of Young-ran and Dong-il, set in the Korean War, that are folded into the narratives of Chunhyang and Mongryong in the classic Chunhyangjeon of Joseon. At this time, Joseon's classics are reproduced in the form of the drama Chunhyangjeon, which shares the time zone with the two main characters, and the two narratives are covered in a total of six scenes. There are two layers of middle-story frames in the movie, and if the same narrative is set in North Korea in the 1950s, there is an epic produced by the producers and actors of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon as a complete work. In the outermost frame of the movie, Dong-il is the main character, but in the inner double frame, Young-ran, who is an actor growing up with the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and a character in the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, is the center. The following three OST albums are Corée Moranbong released in France in 1960, Musique de corée released in 1970, and 朝鮮の伝統音樂-唱劇 「春香伝」と伝統樂器- released in 1968 in Japan. While Corée Moranbong consists only of the music from the film Moranbong, the two subsequent albums included additional songs collected and recorded by Pyongyang National Broadcasting System. However, there is no information about the movie Moranbong on the album released in Japan. Under the circumstances, it is highly likely that the author of the record label or music commentary has not confirmed the existence of the movie Moranbong, and may have intentionally excluded related contents due to the background of the film's ban on its release. The results of analyzing the detailed scenes of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, Farewell Song, Sipjang-ga, Chundangsigwa, Bakseokti and Prison Song in the movie Moranbong or OST album in the 1950s are as follows. First, the process of establishing the North Korean Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon in the 1950s was confirmed. The play, compiled in 1955 through the Joseon Changgeuk Collection, was settled in the form of a Changgeuk that can be performed in the late 1950s by the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon between 1956 and 1958. Since the 1960s, Chunhyangjeon has no longer been performed as a traditional pansori-style Changgeuk, so the film Moranbong and the album Corée moranbong are almost the last records to capture the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and its music. Second, we confirmed the responses of the actors to the controversy over Takseong in the North Korean creative world in the 1950s. Until 1959, there was a voice of criticism surrounding Takseong and a voice of advocacy that it was also a national characteristic. Shin Woo-sun, who almost eliminated Takseong with clear and high-pitched phrases, air man who changed according to the situation, who chose Takseong but did not actively remove Takseong, Lim So-hyang, who tried to maintain his own tone while accepting some of modern vocalization. Although Cho Sang-sun and Lim So-hyang were also guaranteed roles to continue their voices, the selection/exclusion patterns in the movie Moranbong were linked to the Takseong removal guidelines required by North Korean musicians in the name of Dang and People in the 1950s. Second, Changgeuk actors' response to the controversy over the turbidity of the North Korean Changgeuk community in the 1950s was confirmed. Until 1959, there were voices of criticism and support surrounding Taksung in North Korea. Shin Woo-sun, who showed consistent performance in removing turbidity with clear, high-pitched vocal sounds, Gong Gi-nam, who did not actively remove turbidity depending on the situation, Cho Sang-sun, who accepted some of the vocalization required by the party, while maintaining his original tone. On the other hand, Cho Sang-seon and Lim So-hyang were guaranteed roles to continue their sounds, but the selection/exclusion patterns of Moranbong was independently linked to the guidelines for removing turbidity that the Gugak musicians who crossed to North Korea had been asked for.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.65-96
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• 2012

Brand has received much attention from considerable marketing research. When consumers consume product or services, they are exposed to a lot of brand related stimuli. These contain brand personality, brand experience, brand identity, brand communications and so on. A special kind of new crisis occasionally confronting companies' brand management today is the brand related rumor. An important influence on consumers' purchase decision making is the word-of-mouth spread by other consumers and most decisions are influenced by other's recommendations. In light of this influence, firms have reasonable reason to study and understand consumer-to-consumer communication such as brand rumor. The importance of brand rumor to marketers is increasing as the number of internet user and SNS(social network service) site grows. Due to the development of internet technology, people can spread rumors without the limitation of time, space and place. However relatively few studies have been published in marketing journals and little is known about brand rumors in the marketplace. The study of rumor has a long history in all major social science. But very few studies have dealt with the antecedents and consequences of any kind of brand rumor. Rumor has been generally described as a story or statement in general circulation without proper confirmation or certainty as to fact. And it also can be defined as an unconfirmed proposition, passed along from people to people. Rosnow(1991) claimed that rumors were transmitted because people needed to explain ambiguous and uncertain events and talking about them reduced associated anxiety. Especially negative rumors are believed to have the potential to devastate a company's reputation and relations with customers. From the perspective of marketer, negative rumors are considered harmful and extremely difficult to control in general. It is becoming a threat to a company's sustainability and sometimes leads to negative brand image and loss of customers. Thus there is a growing concern that these negative rumors can damage brands' reputations and lead them to financial disaster too. In this study we aimed to distinguish antecedents of brand rumor transmission and investigate the effects of brand rumor characteristics on rumor spread intention. We also found key components in personal acceptance of brand rumor. In contextualist perspective, we tried to unify the traditional psychological and sociological views. In this unified research approach we defined brand rumor's characteristics based on five major variables that had been found to influence the process of rumor spread intention. The five factors of usefulness, source credibility, message credibility, worry, and vividness, encompass multi level elements of brand rumor. We also selected product involvement as a control variable. To perform the empirical research, imaginary Korean 'Kimch' brand and related contamination rumor was created and proposed. Questionnaires were collected from 178 Korean samples. Data were collected from college students who have been experienced the focal product. College students were regarded as good subjects because they have a tendency to express their opinions in detail. PLS(partial least square) method was adopted to analyze the relations between variables in the equation model. The most widely adopted causal modeling method is LISREL. However it is poorly suited to deal with relatively small data samples and can yield not proper solutions in some cases. PLS has been developed to avoid some of these limitations and provide more reliable results. To test the reliability using SPSS 16 s/w, Cronbach alpha was examined and all the values were appropriate showing alpha values between .802 and .953. Subsequently, confirmatory factor analysis was conducted successfully. And structural equation modeling has been used to analyze the research model using smartPLS(ver. 2.0) s/w. Overall, R² of adoption of rumor is .476 and R² of intention of rumor transmission is .218. The overall model showed a satisfactory fit. The empirical results can be summarized as follows. According to the results, the variables of brand rumor characteristic such as source credibility, message credibility, worry, and vividness affect argument strength of rumor. And argument strength of rumor also affects rumor intention. On the other hand, the relationship between perceived usefulness and argument strength of rumor is not significant. The moderating effect of product involvement on the relations between argument strength of rumor and rumor W.O.M intention is not supported neither. Consequently this study suggests some managerial and academic implications. We consider some implications for corporate crisis management planning, PR and brand management. This results show marketers that rumor is a critical factor for managing strong brand assets. Also for researchers, brand rumor should become an important thesis of their interests to understand the relationship between consumer and brand. Recently many brand managers and marketers have focused on the short-term view. They just focused on strengthen the positive brand image. According to this study we suggested that effective brand management requires managing negative brand rumors with a long-term view of marketing decisions.