• 한국노년학
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.563-578
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• 2009

Public pension system of western welfare states has been maintained by transfers of public resources between working-age population and old-age population. But population aging cause the problem of fiscal burden on pension financing, so cutback on public spending for the elderly has been on the issue at public agenda. The argument on public spending for the elderly is more aggressively proceeded in the United States than any other welfare states. The argument is concerned with the problems of generation and is going under the rhetoric name of 'Generational Equity' which contends unequal distribution of social resources such as federal budget within generations. This article analyzes the background of 'Generational Equity' perspective and the reason why that argument is actively going forward in the U. S. and political-economy context of that argument. Generational Equity perspective contends that the elderly are getting more benefits and high spending on the elderly has contributing to the rising poverty rate of children. But there are lots of objection to this perspective on the ground that the perspective has weak positive evidences. The reason that 'Generational Equity' perspective has the power only in the U. S. but other welfare states is mainly due to that pluralistic political regime and selective welfare system. This research presents that political-economy meaning of 'Generational Equity' perspective is related to the political regime and welfare system of the society itself. And this research has the implication that our society having a selective welfare system would take a risk of encountering 'Generational Equity' social debate in the near future.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.3-35
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• 2018

This article critically reviews the arguments that deny the financial feasbility and effectiveness of universal basic income as an alternative to existing social security systems and makes some suggestions to design effective and efficient basic income schemes. Regarding the financial feasibility of universal basic income, I argue that replacement of the existing regressive tax expenditures with universal basic income without raising tax rates can effectively reduce tax burden or provide income support to a majority of people except the rich. Addition of basic income to the tax base and reduction of the number of beneficiaries of public assistance and the amount of cash payment for them can further help save money. Regarding the redistributive effect, I note that the targeting ability of the existing social security systems is not good and that "the paradox of redistribution" that universal-type programs tend to be more redistributive than selective programs applies to universal basic income as well. I demonstrate significant redistributive effect of a hypothetical revenue-neutral basic income scheme and reviews several empirical studies done in Korea and abroad to show that basic income can be more effective in redistribution than social insurances or public assistance programs. Lastly, I emphasize the need to construct a reliable tax-benefit microsimulation model to help researchers to study redistributive effects of basic income schemes and other taxes and social policies.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.55
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• pp.205-230
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• 2003

This article examines the continuity and change of Korean welfare regime during 1990s. Democracy, globalization and the financial crisis changed the landscape of Korean society as a whole and provided a catalyst for the change of the Korean welfare regime. In order to show how and what changed in Korean welfare regime, this study concentrates on the transformations of income maintenance programmes and social welfare services. The changed aspects are as follow: (1) The ratio of social expenditure to GDP has increased during 1990s and now stood at ten percent level. (2)Rather than backing up the company welfare, government strove to build and expand income maintenance devices for all citizens. (3) The poverty and inequality reduction effects of income maintenance programs are very weak in early 1990s, but they are gradually getting stronger impact on poverty and inequality. But, there are also continuance. (1) In spite of the relative development of income maintenance programs, social welfare services are still poorly designed as before. (2) The expenditure level of social welfare services shows sharp contrast to income maintenance programs and lagged behind the other OECD countries. (3) The expansion of social service sector employment are also not so salient. In 2002, social service employment is only at close to 2.5 per cent of the total employment. Accordingly, korean welfare regime is now characterized by a model which is to curb poverty and inequality by engaging in direct government provision of income maintenance programs, but refrain from expanding social service by relying on net welfare which encourage the provision of services within the family. A implication of our analysis is that the expansion of social welfare Korea saw after 1997 was not really an regime shift. According to the arguments of Peter Hall, first and second order changes in policy do not automatically lead to third order changes which imply regime shift. Policy changes which occurred during 1990s was not accompanied by a shift in policy paradigms. Family dependency in welfare is not yet changed.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.6
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• pp.236-245
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• 2013

This study analyzed the relationship between elderly suicide rates and socio-economic factors from the macroscopic perspectives. As certain theoretical background of elderly suicide, sociological and economic perspectives are applied. The economic factors of elderly suicide rates consisted of economic growth and unemployment rate, economic activity rate of the aged, and relative poverty rate (income inequality rate). The sociological factors included social welfare spending, divorce rate, growth rate of population aging, and elderly dependency ratio. According to research findings, first, the more economic activity of the aged is low, the more elderly suicide rate is high. Second, the more social welfare spending rate goes flat, the more elderly suicide rate is growing. Third, the more relative poverty rate (income inequality), increasing population aging rate, and elderly dependency ratio are high, elderly suicide rate goes high at the same time. Finally, this study proposed several socio-economic policy alternatives for preventing continuous growth of Korean elderly suicide rate.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.125-150
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• 2016

This study was carried out to empirically analyze the hypothesis that the impact of the welfare status on the welfare attitudes is moderated by each individual's level of confidence in government. To do this, this study focused on the welfare status known as the significant predictors of welfare attitudes and measured the welfare status as a gap between 'welfare contribute' and 'welfare benefit' in a single dimension, which is defined as 'material sacrifice'. Also, this study examined the main effect of material sacrifice and trust in government on the welfare attitudes and moderating effect of trust in government on relationship between material sacrifice and welfare attitudes. This study was performed with secondary data from 8th year of "2013 Korea Welfare Panel Study". Hypothesis of this study were verified using hierarchical multiple regression analysis. The major findings of this study are summarized as follow. 'Material sacrifice' was found to be negatively associated with the welfare attitudes. However, as the confidence in which social policies will be carried out competently by government increases, it was confirmed that the negative effect of material sacrifice on the welfare attitudes was moderated. It suggests that self-material interests associated with welfare could be moderated by beliefs and expectations about the government's functions, which means that expanding the reliance on the social policy is an important task in order to lead a social consensus for the welfare expansion.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.3-29
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• 2017

The study checked whether the trade-off relationship between the home ownerhip and welfare by Kemeny and Castles was still valid in four welfare regimes, and analysed the factors of change and stability on rate of home ownership between social democratic states and southern european states. Based on the results of the study, the relationship between housing ownership and public expenditure was confirmed only in the liberal welfare regime and in the conservative welfare regime, as evidenced by the 2014 data collection. Second, social democratic states have dramatically increased housing mortgage loans and showed signs of housing commodification but southern european states have showed pre commodification of housing, maintained comparatively whole home ownership and low mortgage loans. Third, social democratic states has resulted in a rise in housing demand and housing prices, through reduced new housing and social rented housing construction, home owenership friendly taxation and generous lending policies, but southern european states have maintained a stable housing demand and housing prices thanks to the rich housing stocks, extended family, self provision and self promotion by close relatives, and intergenerational inheritance and transfers of housing. Although sequence of the equity ownership and welfare are still unclear, it is not a rational alternatives to induce housing ownership through large mortgage loans.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.55-92
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• 2018

Moon Jae-In government, which took power through the candlelight revolution, has put forward a "People First Economy". To realize this goal, the government promised to increase the growth rate of fiscal spending and the proportion of welfare spending compared to the conservative government in the past. This direction is desirable, but it does not meet the expectations of the progressive camp, which has hoped larger-scale welfare through active increased taxation. Above all, it would be hard to overcome the structural risks facing our economy through this policy. More bold fiscal policy is needed. For the time being, it is desirable to push for taxing on top-income households, corporations, and high-value assets, and to make sure that the tax levied on rental income is well established. If these tasks are well realized, it is necessary to move toward the next stage of welfare expansion and increased taxation.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.159-187
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• 2010

The main purpose of this paper is to attempt an alternative measurement and analysis of poverty considering income as well as time in order to present an effective antipoverty policy. Based on Korea Welfare Panel Study (2005), the income poverty, time poverty, and double poverty of household in which householders were under 60 years were measured. Moreover this paper found that households experiencing the time poverty might be faced with additional income poverty because of the necessity to purchase care services in the market to compensate for the time. As a result of the analysis, income poverty rate is 9.5%, time poverty rate is 15.7%, and time-adjusted income poverty rate is 10.8%. And low-educated single parents with young children are more likely to experienced income as well as time poverty. Therefore, this paper proved that the 'welfare to work' policy without considering situations in household could be faced with the limit. Furthermore, this paper suggests that social welfare policy should aim at minimizing the tradeoffs among different works and activities, and then support to improve the quality of life.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.289-317
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• 1998

This study aims to review and evaluate the changes of the British social housing policy under the Conservative government(1979-1997), and to get some implications for the Korean case. The Conservatives tried to diminish the role of state in the realm of social welfare :in general, and to retreat the social housing policy in particular as a reaction to the' welfare state crisis' started from the early 1970s. In the realm of housing policy, privatisation and marketisation including the massive sale of council houses were driven enthusiastically. Public expenditure cut and redirection of the housing subsidy scheme were also implemented according to the changed policy orientation. The clear visible results of the policy changes can be seen as follows; radical changes of the housing tenure distribution, changing role of local authorities, and the worsening housing problems- housing shortages, residualisation, affordability problem, deepening dependency and the negative distribution of housing subsidy etc. Furthermore the goal of public expenditure cut, in fact, was not accomplished successfully. The results of this study support the argument that the Neo-liberalistic approach to the 'welfare state crisis' have resulted in reconstruction and redirection rather than total abolition of the role of state in welfare provision. This conclusion could provide important implications to Korean case, especially concerning the role of state in the social housing policy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.4
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• pp.79-101
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• 2015

What is the role of welfare discourse? Michel Foucault suggests the power and knowledge relation that power in a particular society and period controls the society and members by creating knowledge affecting the formation of cognitive and normative systems. Having the formation of exclusions(constraint of cognition), and materiality and reality(normative system) as an analytical framework, this article attempts the exploration of welfare discourse analyses with public statements relating to welfare subjects of the four former Korean presidents. As a result, It is found that dominant epistemic system is formed by balancing welfare and growth and regarding jobs as the best welfare(the linkage of welfare-growth-employment), emphasizing individual economic responsibility and self-reliance, pursuing welfare selectivism, and excluding comprehensive welfare provisions. At the same time, it is observed that power is not always formulating systematic knowledge and that there is a gap between cognition and norm. While the Foucauldian discourse analysis provides a causal inference about low social welfare expenditure, excessive focus on the role of power as knowledge generator and infuser causes a question of how to accommodate contemporary changes into knowledge system.