• Title/Summary/Keyword: 사대부

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The social historic meaning of Gangneung-Ojukhen in Joseon Dynasty (강릉(江陵) 오죽헌(烏竹軒)의 조선시대 사회사(社會史)적 의미)

  • Lee, Sang Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.48 no.2
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    • pp.64-81
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    • 2015
  • The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.

The Rebuilding and Patronage of Naksansa Temple in Joseon Royal Family (조선왕실의 낙산사(洛山寺) 중창과 후원)

  • Lee, Sang-Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.50 no.2
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    • pp.116-139
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    • 2017
  • Naksansa Temple was famous for a miracle temple where Lee Haeng-ri(李行里), King Ikjo(翼祖), had prayed for offspring and soon begat King Dojo(度祖). According to the First King's Annals("太祖實錄"), King Dojo was the person who directly received prophecy of founding a Joseon. For these reasons, Naksansa Temple received attention concerning the foundation of Joseon. The birth story of King Dojo and his father's prayer at the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva cave(觀音窟), Naksansa Temple, was well known among the noblemen and royal families until the Late Joseon period. Lee Seoung gye(李成桂) paid particular attention to the Naksansa Temple, and King Sejo(世祖) also made people rebuild the temple when he went for a royal tour in Gangwon-do. Naksansa Temple was built during the time when King Sejo made many temples in order to strengthen the royal authority. King Sejo made people extensively rebuild the temple, praying for health and longevity of King Yejong(his son). King Sejo's will of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple was very strong. The residents of the area had to pay a huge cost because the rebuilding of the Naksansa Temple was a big construction. Hak-yeol(學悅), who had a responsibility of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple, forcedly obtained supplies as he received protection from the royal family. Naksansa Temple thrived with the protection of the royal family after rebuilding. King Yejong and Seongjong gave Naksansa Temple slaves and fields(田地). He also bestowed upon the temple the salts which was the tribute paid by Gangwon-do. In order to protect the precincts of the Naksansa Temple, the government closed the Yang Yang Main Street near Naksansa Temple and built a new road. And the signs of preventing fishing(捕漁) was built along the coast of Naksan in four kilometers in order to keep people out. Although the Naksansa Temple declined in the late Joseon period, it still received support under the protection policy and maintained its reputation as an original Buddhist shrine.

A Study on The Iron Monument in The era of Joseon Dynasty (조선시대(朝鮮時代) 철비(鐵碑)의 조영(造營) 연구(硏究))

  • Hong, Dai Han
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.24
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    • pp.215-274
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    • 2010
  • Iron-making industries of the country, regardless of age has been the focus. This makes the iron production technology and production techniques that result in increased economic activity and because of the central charge. Therefore, the social development of ancient iron-making technology is based on phase-sensitive. Modern steel making up the monopoly of the country's target under the strict control of production, distribution was. It is essential to produce iron weapons was a threat is because you can keep the throne in the hands of the forces that can cause side effects when I went was to block. This study created a rail Cholbi(iron monument) and the regional distribution pattern of the production, construction background, looked on. Cholbi(iron monument) for the production and recording "the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty" often appear in history books and many academic interests, but was off target. Compared to a stone monument that was not generally as well as the Japanese colonial period and over the course of modernization destroyed, damaged a lot of cases the cause may be found in front. Cholbi(iron monument), except for the gravestones of the Joseon Dynasty monument erected in honor of virtue, as an example of content that dominated a packman business, founding of the school and confirmed that a few were built as a special purpose. Cholbi(iron monument) compared to the production technology or the cost of the monument's difficulty in financing follows. Therefore Cholbi(iron monument) the establishment of the Joseon Dynasty through the background of the economic situation and the local government can look. And iron technology began complaining about the object of history, economic conditions, with the change of season has been a change in people's consciousness tells you. Important data of ancient history as an epigraph that has been as important, the Middle Ages to modern times ranging from newly born to the time Cholbi(iron monument) in the development of the country's documentary subject to change should have been brought. Based on these discussions changes the identity of the hero monument and production inspector, review of production through the Joseon Dynasty period Cholbi (iron monument) contemplated the significance is reflected in production.

The Acceptance and Transition of Confucian Gamsil in Joseon period (조선시대 유교식 감실(龕室)의 수용과 변용)

  • Park, Jong Min
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.4
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    • pp.56-69
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    • 2011
  • A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

An Interpretation of the Landscape Meaning and Culture of Anpyung-Daegun(Prince)'s Bihaedang Garden (안평대군 비해당(匪懈堂) 원림의 의미경관과 조경문화)

  • Shin, Sang-Sup;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.28-37
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    • 2011
  • In this study, the series-poem, Bihaedangsasippalyoung(48 poems for beautiful scene of Bihaedang), written by scholars of Jiphyonjeon for Bihaedang garden of Anpyung-Daegun(Prince Anpyung, 1416-1453), was analyzed focusing on scenery lexeme to interpret the meaning of scenery and gardening culture of Sadaebu(noblemen) during the first term of Chosun Dynasty. The study result is as followings. First, the subtitle of Sasippalyoung(48 poems) written by Anpyung-Daegun while he grew Bihaedang garden on the foot of Inwang Mountain showed repetitive nomativity comparing joining of yin and yang, such as life and form of animal and plan, time and space, meaning and symbolism, etc. Among scenery lexemes, 38 are represented plant and flowers, and 8 are represented gardening ornaments and animals. Second, the names of gardens were expressed as Wonrim, Jongje, Imchon(Trees and Ponds), or Hwawon(Flower garden), or also presented as Gongjeong(Empty garden), Manwon(Full garden), Jungjeong(Middle garden), Huwon(Backyard), Wonrak(Inner court), or Byulwon(Seperated garden) depending on density and location. In addition, there were pavilions and ponds, stepping stones and stairs, a pergola, a flat bench, flowerpots, an artificial hill, oddly shaped stones, wells, aviary, flower beds, or hedges. A gardener was called Sahwa(flower keeper), planting and gardening of garden trees were called Jaebae(cultivation), a pond island was called Boogoo(floating hill), and miniature landscapes were called Chukjee(reduced land). Third, willows were planted on the outdoor yard, and plum trees were planted in front of the library, which led to bamboo woods road. Peony, camellia, tree peony and crepe myrtle were planted on the inner court with mossy rocks, small artificial hills, glass rocks, flower pots. There were rectangular ponds, while breeding deer, dove, rooster, and cranes. Fourth, landscape elements were enjoyed as metaphysical symbolic landscape by anthropomorphism, such as (1) gentlemen and loyalty, (2) wealth and prosperity, (3) Taoist hermit and poetical life, (4) reclusion and seclusion, (5) filial piety, virtue, introspection, etc. In other words, the garden presented a variety of gardening culture appreciating meaningful landscape, such as investigation of things, reclusion and seclusion, and building orientation of a fairyland yearning eternal youth and Mureungdowon(Taoist Arcadia) by making a garden blending beautiful flowers and trees, with precious birds and animals. Fifth, there were many landscape appreciation schemes, such as Angkyung(looking-up), Bukyung(looking-down), Jeokyung(looking-under), Chakyung(bringing outer space into inside), Yookyung(flower viewing), Yojeong(walking around the garden enjoying flowers), Hwasaekhyangbyuk(flower gardening), and Garden appreciation enjoying landscape through time and seasons with different inspirations.

A Study of painting theory Aesthetics of "Xuanhehuapu" (송대(宋代) 『선화화보(宣和畵譜)』를 통해 본 화론미학(畵論美學))

  • Jang, Wan Sok
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.25
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    • pp.381-410
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    • 2009
  • It is a very important book about painting theory, that "Xuanhehuapu"(宣和畵譜) was wrote by Emperor Huizhong(徽宗) in Song Dynasty. Fundamental discussions and studies in the relation of socio-economical base in Song Dynasty are still more needed. And accordingly, it is necessary to advent upgraded aesthetical articles. Li xue(理?) deeply influenced upon paintings and its theories in Song Dynasty. Similarly, Taoism(道家) and Zen Buddhism(?宗) also did. But some people who have not found "Xuanhehuapu" important meaning and rich and complicated aesthetic thought, gave low and even negative valuation to it. There is rich aesthetic in "Xuanhehuapu", which is not as simple and narrow as some people imagined. It was deeply influenced by the aesthetic thought of Confucianism(Lixue 理學), Taoism(Zhuangzi 莊子) and "Zhouyi"({周易}). I will be analytical in a few aspects "Xuanhehuapu" of aesthetics thought. 1. The calligraphy and painting is one flesh. 2. learn a good lesson from painting. 3. The handicrafts(Art, 藝) and Tao(道) unify. 4. It is a Art taxology. 5. It use a new art criticism methods.

A study about art theory of Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo - Focused on difference with Jeong Yak-yong丁若鏞 (연천 홍석주의 예술론(藝術論)에 대한 일고찰 - 정약용(丁若鏞)과의 차이점을 중심으로 -)

  • Yoon, Jong-il
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.55
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    • pp.223-264
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    • 2014
  • Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo(淵泉 洪奭周: 1774-1842) faithfully followed a policy of restoration of literary style of king Jeongjo. He was an young vassal after 1794 and influenced by Jeongjo because Yeoncheon was around the king. Furthermore, he had comparatively favorable working period as a vassal(仕宦期, 1795-1836) after death of Jeongjo(1800) while establishing his own academic viewpoint. Therefore, a study about art theory of Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo is one about logical system to accept various desires for change of then while not getting rid of scope of Neo-Confucianism after Jeongjo. It is catched that exchange of Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong was made relating to study of Sangseo. Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong absorbed in study of Sangseo, which is come from putting importance on 6 scriptures (經) among studies of scriptures by both of them. Through this, they aimed to re-discover ideology of original Confucian studies as one for cultivating oneself and governing people (修己治人之學). Dasan and Yeoncheon have something in common that they were young vassals who were cultivated as a guarding power for Jeongjo centered on Gyujanggak. They were largely fit to view of literature(文體觀) of Jeongjo. Hong Seok-joo distinguished function of prose(文) and poetry(詩) into teaching moral(明敎) and moving people(感人) in the category of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on thoughts of 'literature is linguistic device for Taoism '(道本文末)' which is a core concept of literature theory based on Neo-Confucianism. He gave a careful attention on instructional and social function in prose while on emotional understanding that puts importance on temper and the secrets of nature in poetry. Hong Seok-joo regarded moral impression and edification through this as a core of artistic creation based on Segyoseol(世敎說). Furthermore, expressions such as 'Heunggwangunwon(興觀群怨)' or 'Yeohangguyo(閭巷謳謠) which are mentioned as important elements in his artistic works put importance on actual existence of objective things in artistic activity and this is connected to an attitude to require description fit to fact. So, it is assumed that such expression style aimed for features of genre painting in painting arts. Understanding of the study of ancient documents by Yeoncheon developed from critical perspective. He criticized the study of ancient documents, saying it as first, Pasoijisul(破碎之術), second, Dotaekjisul(塗澤之術), third, Hoimojisul(毁侮之術). Jeong Yak-yong criticized ' theory on the Odes' from viewpoint of theory of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on Neo-Confucianism. He stressed political and social function of Sipeon and general poetry in "the Odes" and reinterprets discourses about poetry of Zhu Xi based on his own opinion. He says that poems of national fashion do political and social criticism. The theory of national fashion by Jeong Yak-yong clearly discloses his thoughts that stress practical role of noblemen in the social and political context.

Kim Youngjak(金永爵) and the new material, 『A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)』 (금영작(金永爵)과 한중 척독교류의 새 자료 『중조학사서한록(中朝學士書翰錄)』)

  • QIAN, JINMEI
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.167-206
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    • 2009
  • This paper discovers and introduces the collection of letters, "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" which was made by Kim Youngjak(1802~1868) who had collected the letters from Chinese intellectuals. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" is a collector which contains handwritten letters to Kim Youngjak from Chinese people such as cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰), and li wen yuan(李文源). Kim Youngjak had frequent meetings with Chinese intellectuals not only directly but also indirectly. He had exchanged letters with li bo heng(李伯衡), shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) for 30 years. In 1858, he went to Beijing and met Chinese intellectuals ye ming li(葉名澧), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), wu kun tian(吳昆田), cheng gong shou(程恭壽), and zhao guang(趙光). After coming back to Chos?n, he continued to exchange letters with them. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" contains autograph letters by Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals. It has ten letters for Kim Youngjak written by cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰) and so on. One letter and five poems which zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) wrote to the son of Kim are also contained. The letters by zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) shows a sincere friendship with Kim Youngjak. The relationship between li bo heng(李伯衡) (who had exchanged letters with Kim for 30 years) and his son li wen yuan(李文源) proves that the cultural interchange between Korea and China had lasted successively. Kim Youngjak has not been widely known in academic circles yet but should not be ignored for the study in the cultural interchange between Korea and China. He proposed to have a relationship with li bo heng(李伯衡) and shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) first and they sent back positively. Therefore, they had a literal and private relationship by only exchanging letters each other. Also considering the fact that Kim Youngjak, as a man of high birth, had a close relationship with Chinese intelletuals, we can notice that Chinese and Korean intellectuals had open minds based on sincerity and trust. This was possible because many intellectuals before him like Hong Daeyong made a basis of the tradition of companionship. At this point, the relationship between Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals and "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" have an important value. The collections of Kim Youngjak's works contain only several letters and poems which he sent to Chinese intellectuals. Accordingly, the letters in "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" are important to understand the aspects of their interchange.

Review on the allegory & satire of the Hoji and Yangbanjeon (<호질>과 <양반전>의 우언과 풍자 대한 보론(補論))

  • Chung, Haksung
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.69
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    • pp.179-204
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    • 2017
  • Hojil(虎叱) and Yangbanjeon(兩班傳) reveal the characteristic styles of Park Jiwon(朴趾源)'s writing, which is combining styles of unofficial history/biography(外傳) and allegory(寓言), and full of the senses of satire and humour which form another characteristc of his writing style or tone. This paper reexamines narrative styles, meaning structures and themes of these two works which combine the styles of unofficial history/biography and allegory, and researches methods and techniques of allegory and satire which presents the subversive and critical themes and thoughts of the author. In Hojil, combining of the two styles, the author constructs the narrative world and plot, manipulates allegoric figures to symbolize and present multilayered meaning, and criticize the decadence of confucian aristocracy [Sadaebu: 士大夫] and it's abuses. In Yangbanjeon by combining of two styles, the author weave a biography of Yangban(兩班) in general, which presents the attributes and historical position of the Yangban class. And by the nonsensical fictional event which caricatures crisis of the Yangban class, and tedious description of the manners and behaviors of the Yangban, the author and satires the snobbery of the Yangban and the absurdity of their classical privileges. As he did in Hojil, the author urges the self-examination of the reader raising a question about the position and the function or duty of the Yangban class in the changing world. And the various skills of satire together with the irony, paradox, parody and pun were used dexterously in above two works.

A Study of the Current State of the Garden and Restoration Proposal for the Original Garden of Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House in Gapyeong (가평 이천보(李天輔) 고가(古家)의 정원 현황과 원형 복원을 위한 제안)

  • Rho, Jaehyun;Choi, Seunghee;Jang, Hyeyoung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.118-135
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    • 2020
  • It is not uncommon in Korea to see the structure and function of a garden remain intact as well as its form. Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House (Gyeonggi-do Cultural Heritage Item No. 55), located in Sang-myeon, Gapyeong-gun, Gyeonggi-do, is considered an example of very valuable garden heritage, although its family history, location, and remaining buildings and natural cultural assets are not fully intact. Along with Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House, this study attempted to explore the possibility of restoration of the forest houses and gardens by highlighting the high value of Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House through research into the typical layout of private households in northern Gyeonggi Province and Gapyeong County, comparative review of aerial photographs from 1954, and interviews with those involved. The results of the study are as follows: In this study, the presence of Banggye-dongmun and Bansukam in the Banggyecheon area, where the location of the garden was well-preserved, was examined across the landscape of the outer garden, while the location of Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House, the appearance of feng shui, and the viewing axis were considered. Also, the appearance of the lost main house was inferred from the arrangement and shape of the Sarangchae and Haengrangchae that remain in the original garden, and the asymmetry of the Sarangchae Numaru and the hapgak shape on the side of the roof. In addition, the three tablets (Pyeonaeks) of Sanggodang (尙古堂), Bangyejeongsa (磻溪精舍), and Okgyeongsanbang (玉聲山房) were used to infer the landscape, use, and symbolism of the men's quarters. Also, a survey was conducted on the trees that existed or existed in the high prices. Incidentally, it was confirmed that information on boards and cultural properties of Yeonha-ri juniper (Gyeonggi-do Monument No. 61) was recorded to a much lesser extent than the actual required standard, and the juniper trees remaining in the front of Haengrangchae should also be re-evaluated after speculation. On the other hand, as a result of estimating the original shape as a way of pursuing completeness of the garden through restoration of the lost women's quarters and shrine, it is estimated that the main house was placed in the form of a '口' or a 'be warped 口' on the right (north) side of the men's quarters. By synthesizing these results, a restoration alternative for Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House was suggested.