• Korean Educational Research Journal
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.189-210
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• 2018

This paper begins with the notion of 'pick-me generation', which refers to today's young generation in Korea. It is named after the title of a song introduced at the Television programme for the competitive audition for girl-group singers. This name gives an idea of the atmosphere of the competition that the current young generation experiences in South Korea. In parallel to it, the research examines the meaning of freedom and choice in democratic education in Oh Chunsuck, in his later work in particular. This paper attempts to demonstrate the possibility to relate Oh's notion of freedom and democracy in relation to Han who critically analyses contemporary discourses on neo-liberalism and democracy. This paper re-views Oh's ideals of democracy and education within its own limitations on freedom. The argument extends Oh's idea of freedom and ethical democracy to the idea of freedom that is relevant to today's younger generation.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.305-322
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• 2006

An increasing number of cities employ rescaling strategies that not only construct metropolitan production network scaled down from national context, but also tune up new governance to effectively control local geographies of the city. In this context, urban redevelopment has emerged a key 'global' strategy to empower governmental institutions of the city, which not only eliminate such threatening spatial variables as deteriorated housing, working-class ghettos, and crime areas, but also increase and extract exchange value of those spaces. I view such practices a process of 'glurbanization'. This paper investigates how state/city government employs the discourse of urban re/development for 'inventing' poverty at an urban scale: how it institutionalizes the discourse for implementing concrete projects: and how urban institutional apparatus appropriate their discursive practices of redevelopment for their own ends in the city. By particularly focusing on the California Redevelopment Law and the Community Redevelopment Agency of the City of Los Angeles, this paper analyzes the ways in which the law and the agency extract value from what they define 'blight areas' by means of eminent domain and tax increment revenues. For empirical analysis I employ discourse analysis and institutional ethnography. I conclusively argue that the urban spaces stigmatized as 'blight areas' are increasingly entrapped by the urban redevelopment agency, which extracts increased exchange value from the areas and redirects it for supporting external investors, private developers, and the body of the agency itself.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.146-160
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• 2009

Recent studies on development are increasingly focusing on analyzing development discourse and de constructing its institutionalization process in the nation-state. By pushing up the limit of the research on development, these studies particularly emphasize how development is articulated with the nation-state, its governmentality, and various representations. These studies overall consider development a powerful discourse, which invents under-development, mobilizes resources for changing particular space, and institutionalizes modem systems of socio-spatial control at a local scale. In this sense, it is particularly interesting to look at how the nation-state, faced with the deterritorialization of labor and capital, reterritorializes overseas resources and networks for the purpose of development. By problematizing the Overseas Koreans Foundation as a transnational state apparatus, this paper interrogates the way in which its institutionalized practices conjure up the national imagination, ethnic solidarity, and collective allegiance to the homeland in diaspora communities. This paper conclusively reports that the state apparatus circulates the discourse of transnational nationalism in Korean diaspora so as to appropriate their resources and networks for securing foreign currencies and investment in the homeland.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.47-84
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• 2018

Domestic debates on 'international development' has hitherto been rather more focused on the narrow topic of Official Development Assistance (ODA) - therefore, practical and practice-oriented enquiries for the former's effective implementation have dominated the field as a result. However, such lack of foundational debates on 'development' has rendered the field inept to respond to the rapidly changing development landscape since the new millennium both globally and in Southeast Asia. With this particular problematique in mind, the paper argues for the utility of critical Southeast Asian studies in enriching theoretical debates in Korea's international development studies. In doing so, we analysed the trend of academic research published since 2000, of which theme concern international development with a specific geographical focus on Southeast Asia. The result shows that such publication and the thematic issues have witnessed rapid quantitative growth since 2007 - while the nature of the publications still clearly remained practical and practice-oriented for effective execution of ODA. We therefore propose the critical Southeast Asian studies to overcome the problematique above by emphasising more inter-/multi-disciplinary approaches that challenge the hegemonic paradigm in the field.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.101-127
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to analyze how the debates on learning and learning outcomes in global education agendas have changed and to understand the discourses and issues about learning under the agendas, and finally based on the understanding, to know what is the implication we should take in international education development cooperation in Korea. To do this, this study critically analyzed 1) what is the main features and directions, and 2) the method and limitation in handling learning concept on three major global education forums which are Jomtien global education forum in 1990, Dakar in 2000, and Incheon in 2015. Major finding shows that there are little learning concept discussed in Jomtien and Dakar forums and in SDGs education agenda, learning is vaguely defined and discussed and there are problems of too much focus on learning outcomes itself and absence of study on proper assessment system. Major lessons and implications for international education development cooperation could be stated that postcolonial perspectives and learner centered approaches is required in developing countries's education ecology. And continuous support for sustainable development for learners' capacity should be underlined. We needs to focus on developing software not hardware from the first of educational ODA. Finally, it is needed to embed within pedagogical approaches.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.54-62
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• 2016

This study conducted semiotic analysis of drama . Based on Paradigm, Syntagm concept, I apprehended the characteristics of descriptive structure of drama, characters and contemplated on ideology reflected in the drama. As a result, it has approaching method of Critical Pluralism which strongly exposes resistance ideology. The drama intensified Classical Ideology such as gender role, hero, and family ideology, also it consists of Humane Introspection Ideology such as self-understanding, mutual-understanding, and self-serving bias.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.357-384
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• 2013

In this study I've analyzed the strategy and techniques of the welfare discourses of korean conservative newspapers based on the discourse theory. Emphasizing the political and social characteristics of the discourse, It is investigated the way that the conservative newspapers criticize against assertions for welfare increase and universal welfare and the way that produce social meaning on welfare. The study is focused on the discourse techniques like symmetrical contrasts, making new contexts, and formation of identity. The critical welfare discourses are structured according to symmetrical contrasts of welfare to the rationality, the morality, and the prospects for future. The elements of the discourses are reinforced by one another and were recontextualized to the new stories on welfare. The conservative newspapers had emphasized secession welfare from the politics, solving the problem of inefficiency of welfare administration. Regarding the technique of identification, the newspapers had treated people as owners and victims of welfare on the role of financing welfare expenditure. It is noteworthy the newspapers have began to call people separately according to generations and income class using finance.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.120
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• pp.217-250
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• 2018

Subjekt oder $Selbstbewu{\ss}tsein$ ist ein grundlegendes Prinzip neuzeitlicher Philosophie. Das $Selbstbewu{\ss}tsein$ ist bei Kant $Selbstbewu{\ss}tsein$(analytische Einheit der Apperzeption als klare Selbstbeziehung) in Objekts $bewu{\ss}tsein$(synthetischer Einheit der Apperzeptuion). Dabei zeigt er ein Reflexionsmodell des $Selbstbewu{\ss}tseins$. Aber er $erkl{\ddot{a}}rt$ nicht systematisch ein $Verh{\ddot{a}}ltnis$ zwischen synthetischer Einheit und analytischer Einheit der Apperzeption, und auch $l{\ddot{o}}st$ er nicht theorienimmanente und formale Schwierigkeiten von Zirkelargument bzw. unendlicher Iteration in der Reflxionsstruktur des $Selbstbewu{\ss}tseins$. Aufgrund der Voraussetzungen seiner eigenen Fundamentalontologie kritisiert der $fr{\ddot{u}}he$ Heidegger, $da{\ss}$ Kants $traditionsabh{\ddot{a}}ngige$ $Subjektivit{\ddot{a}}tstheorie$ Symptome der Seins vergessenheit zeigt, transformiert Kants $Selbstbewu{\ss}tseinstheorie$, interpretiert Kants transformierte Theorie als $subjektivit{\ddot{a}}tstheoretische$ $Begr{\ddot{u}}ndung$ der traditionellen Ontologie von Vorhandenheit, und versteht sie als ersten Schritt und erstes phlosophisches Modell seiner Fundamentalontologie. Durch kritische Interpretation von Kants Lehre von Selbstaffektion und $Selbstbewu{\ss}tsein$ deutet er ein Modell des $Selbstbewu{\ss}tseins$ als des $ph{\ddot{a}}nomenologischen$ $Horizontsbewu{\ss}tseins$ an. In diesem Modell der vorreflexiven und unmittelbaren Selbstbeziehung entstehen Schwierigkeiten von Zirkelargument bzw. unendlicher Iteration nicht. Apel kritisiert Kants $selbstbewu{\ss}te$ Apperzeptionstheorie in dem Sinne, $da{\ss}$ sie solipsistisch sei, und in seiner Transzendentalpragmatik $vervollst{\ddot{a}}ndigt$ er Kants transzendentalphilosophische $G{\ddot{u}}ltigkeit$ in der Dimension von $Intersubjektivit{\ddot{a}}t$ diskurierender Menschen. Hierbei ersetzt die Kommunikationsgemeinschaft Kants Apperzeption oder $Bewu{\ss}tsein$ ${\ddot{u}}berhaupt$. In der transzendentalpragmatischen Sicht, die auf den sprachlichen Bezug des Denkens und Erkennens und die Kommunikationsgemeinschaft geht, beruht das $Selbstbewu{\ss}tsein$ oder die Reflexion des Subjekts wesentlich auf seinem sprachlich vermittelten sozialen Bezug. Also geht es nicht um Zirkelargument und unendliche Iteration in denkender Selbstbeziehung des Subjekts. Ebeling hebt Heideggers Daseinsanalytik auf das Niveau von Apels Transzendentalpragmatik an und entwickelt Fundamatalpragmatik ${\ddot{u}}ber$ $Widerstandsbewu{\ss}tsein$ gegen allgemeinen Tod. Dieser $Widerstandsbewu{\ss}tsein$ ist fundamentalpragmatische Transformation von Kants $Selbstbewu{\ss}tsein$. Der $Widerstandsbewu{\ss}tsein$ der Vernunft bleibt in der solipsistischen Dimension nicht und ist ein $Bewu{\ss}tsein$, das in der Widerstandsgemeinschaft durch Argumentation universalisiert werden kann. Hierbei geht es nicht um Zirkelargument und unendliche Iteration.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.209-235
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• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.191-217
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• 2018

At the turn of the century, social policy in both developed and developing countries confronts new challenges and risks caused by the multiple crises in finance, food, energy and climate change. Changes in the structures of risks are particularly significant. In addition, the global economic crisis starting in 2008 has provided a new context of the global political economy. Both developed and developing countries have responded to these new challenges and risks differently. What risks do these responses aim to address? How can these responses address these risks? Can these diverse responses offer lessons for lower income economies attempting to address social development challenges alongside economic growth in the globalised and increasingly uncertain 21st century context? This paper aims to provide a critical review of the new trends, phenomena or directions of social policy discourse and practice to respond to the new risks in the context of development. Explaining the nature and forms of new challenges and risks and pointing out the potentials and limitations of social policy discourse, it introduces the key points of the previous research we have to keep in mind in formulating alternative social policy approaches. General principles and core elements of social policy in addressing new challenges and risks in the $21^{st}$ century, which are particularly visible in social policy reforms in emerging economies, are highlighted as a conclusion.