• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.263-291
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• 2015

In May, 2015, a 68 years old man, who has been Middle East Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, had high fever, muscle aches, cough and shortness of breath. he went two local hospital near his house and the S Medical Center emergency center. He was diagnosed MERS(Middle East respiratory syndrome) and the diseases had put South Korea the fear of epidemics for three months. Especially, this disease has firstly reported in Middle East Asia in September 2012 and spreaded to twenty-six countries. In 21, July, 2015, European Center for disease prevention and control reported 533 people were died and in South Korea, 186 people were infected, 36 people were died and 16,693 people were isolated from MERS. South Korea government were faced into epidemic control and blamed from public. Especially, hospital acquired infection, disease control chain, opening of information, ventilation, lack of isolation bed, the problem of function of local health center, the issue of reparation for hospital and insurance cover rate, the classification of disease, the role of Korea Centers for disease control and prevention, the culture of visiting hospital to see sick people, the issue of hospital multiple room and other related social support policy. it is time to study and discuss to solve these problems. South Korea citizens felt fear and fright from MERS. What is wore, they thought the dieses were out of their government control. It was unusual case for word except Middle East Asia. numerous tourists canceled visiting korea. South korea economic were severly damaged especially, tourism industry. South korea government should admit that they had failed initial action against MERS and take full reasonability from any damages. The government have to open information to public in terms of epidemic diseases and try to prevent any other epidemic diseases and try to work with local governments.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.415-440
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• 2018

On September 23, 2015, the Ministry of Education announced the 2015 revision of educational curriculum which aimed at 'cultivating creative talents' based on the Article 23, Section 2 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Law. As a result, music curriculum have also been partially revised, which seems to maintain the 2009 revision of music curriculum. Although Jeongganbo 井間譜 is already exposed in the music curriculum for the third and forth grades of elementary school, the learning content about how to read Jeongganbo and how to express the pitch and length of sound including the origin of its name and the background of its invention are dealt with specifically in the fifth and sixth grades. Jeongganbo is known as the oldest mensural notation in the Orient created by King Sejong of the Joseon Dynasty in the middle of the $15^{th}$ century, and it was used for the first time in Sejong sillok akbo 世宗實錄樂譜 (Scores in the Annals of King Sejong), the oldest musical score still in existence. However, in the music textbooks as well as the most of specialized books related to the Korean traditional music, it is uncritically accepted without providing clear grounds that Sejong invented Jeongganbo himself. If so, it is necessary to investigate on which grounds it is claimed that Sejong invented Jeongganbo. This paper first examined the grounds of the proposition that "Sejong invented Jeongganbo," which is introduced in the music textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades of elementary school, by separating it into Sejong's creation of Sinak 新樂 (new music), Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo and Sejong's invention of Hangeul. Next, this paper examined how the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo has been described in the textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades in elementary school based on the 2009 revision of music curriculum, and suggested the direction of a desirable music education by pointing out the related problems. According to historical records and circumstances such as Sejong's creation of Sinak, Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo with 16 Jeonggan (square) in one vertical line, Sejong's invention of Hangeul and so on, it seems to be the most reasonable that Sejong is the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo as of now. However, the attitude of the musical academy to accept and educate the unclear thing as if it is a fact does not seem desirable. Therefore, I suggest that it should be described "Jeongganbo was invented in the period of Sejong" or "it is supposed that Jeongganbo was invented by Sejong" rather than presenting "Sejong made Jeongganbo" or "created" until revealing the clear evidence about the subject of Jeongganbo.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.116
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• pp.389-410
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• 2010

Augustin wurde sozusagen von der Rhetorik zum Christentum bekehrt. Der einstmalige Rhetorikprofessor (bis 386) distanziert sich von seiner $fr{\ddot{u}}heren$ Kunst. Aber er $kn{\ddot{u}}pft$ als Bischof im vierten Buch seiner weniger bekannten Schrift "De doctrina Christiana" (DDC; abgef. 427) wieder an die antike Rhetorik, speziell an Cicero, an. So wird die augustinische $Sp{\ddot{a}}tschrift$ $f{\ddot{u}}r$ eine antike Rhetorik in christlicher Verwendung gehalten. Es stellt nun die Frage, was Augustin zur $R{\ddot{u}}ckkehr$ zu seiner $fr{\ddot{u}}heren$ Kunst bewegte. Neuere Forschungen sehen in Augustins Werk eine Grundlage der mittelalterlichen Predigttheorie oder einen $blo{\ss}en$ Versuch, die Rhetorik vom Makel des Sophistischen zu befreien. Gewiss ist seine Einstellung zur "leeren Beredsamkeit" der Sophistik eindeutig, aber dies war eine Haltung, die letztlich von allen seinen christlichen Zeitgenossen geteilt wurde und folglich eines geringen Beweises bedurfte. Die Aufmerksamkeit, die Augustins $sp{\ddot{a}}terem$ Einfluss und seiner Ablehnung der Zweiten Sophistik geschenkt wird, kann den Blick $tr{\ddot{u}}ben$ $f{\ddot{u}}r$ seine Rolle bei der $L{\ddot{o}}sung$ eines christlichen Dilemmas aus dem vierten Jahrhundert. Augustin sah die Gefahren einer entgegengesetzten rhetorischen $H{\ddot{a}}resie$. Die $S{\ddot{u}}nde$ des Sophisten besteht darin, dass er die Notwendigkeit des Inhalts verneint und glaubt, nur die forma alleine sei $w{\ddot{u}}nschenswert$. Der gegenteilige Fehler, dem Geschichtsschreiber der Rhetorik niemals einen Namen gegeben haben, beruht auf dem Glauben, dass derjenige, der im Besitz der Wahrheit ist, auch ipso facto in der Lage ist, die Wahrheit anderen zu ${\ddot{u}}bermitteln$. Es handelt sich um eine $ausschlie{\ss}liche$ $Abh{\ddot{a}}ngigkeit$ von der materia. Augustin erkannte eine Gefahr und benutzte DDC dazu, eine Verbindung von Inhalt und Form in der christlichen Predigt voranzutreiben. Nur wenn man daher das Buch als einen Teil der $gro{\ss}en$ Debatte des vierten Jahrhunderts ansieht, tritt seine historische Bedeutung klar hervor. Der Leser ist beeindruckt davon, dass der Autor darauf insistiert, es sei eine Torheit, dem Feind ein $n{\ddot{u}}tzliches$ Instrument zu ${\ddot{u}}berlassen$. Augustin $erkl{\ddot{a}}rt$, dass die Kunst der Beredsamkeit rege in Gebrauch genommen und nicht kurzerhand abgelehnt werden solle, weil sie mit dem Makel des Heidentums behaftet sei. Kurz gesagt, geplant ist das vierte Buch von DDC als eine ratio eloquentiae Christianae.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.141-172
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• 2017

The objectives of this paper are to investigate hunting, stock raising, sacrifice recorded in the oracle bone inscriptions of Shang Dynasty. I want to raise two basic questions. First, what were the functions of hunting, stock raising, sacrifice, which constructed the world of life in Shang Dynasty? Second, what were the relationships of gods, men, animals derived from them? These questions are brought up to how the commoners of Shang Dynasty build the world and perceive it. I adopted positively prevalent theories for answering those questions. I am particularly provided with Michael J. Puett's insightful remarks in this presentation. He criticizes the previous viewpoint that the relationships of gods and men in ancient China were harmonious and mutually respondent. According to him, in the ancient way of thinking of China the world of gods was full of whimsical and unpredictable power and also contained the risks, which led to disaster to the human world. So it is needed to be controled in a certain way. The sacrifice and the divination must have been instruments for controlling it in ancient China. In the same vein his arguments can be applied to the special connotations of hunting and stock raising, by the benefit of which I developed my own ideas in this paper. The conclusions are as follows. First, Shang dynasty tried to suppress the latent danger of two worlds. The nature represented by animals and the world of gods were respectively considered as the unknown domains, which is to threatening human life. Hunting, stock raising, sacrifice were the ways and means of controlling these two domains of power, which cause chaos in life. Second, the relationships among gods, men, animals had various functions and changed their status role, depending on the circumstances. Hunting and stock raising were important methods to domesticate animals with violence. In this domestication process animals became "victims" but animals are also to be the messengers to gods through being slain in the sacrifice. In this way animals are both inferior and superior to men and hold a unique status between gods and men.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.207-224
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• 2009

This research is a quest of theories of poetry of Wang Yak-heo who was a literary critic during Chin(金) dynasty in ancient China. Wang Yak-heo left a fine piece of work, dubbed ${\ll}$Honam Yuro Jib${\gg}$ and, in this paper, the author closely reviewed the theories of poetry that is appeared, especially, in the three volumes of ${\ll}$Talks on Chinese Poetry${\gg}$ among the collections of Wang's poetry criticism. In particular, the author investigated the positive and negative aspects of Honam's commentaries on the works by Chinese poets, including his principles of poetics, creative skills, and practical criticism, etc. Wang Yak-heo has not been known much in the history of Chinese literary thoughts, however, his theory of criticism, especially, among the talks on Chinese the works by Chinese poets, his literature criticisms establish unique and distinctive point of views. Wang Yak-heo's poetics, more than anything else, valued nature, meanings, truth, and contents therein. He exhibited realistic view of literature. Meanwhile, he analyzed the methods of expression by Du Bo(杜甫, pronounced, "Du Fu" in Chinese), So Sik, also known as So Dong Pa (蘇軾, Su Shi or 蘇東坡, Su Dong Po in Chinese), and Hwang Jeong-gyeon(黃庭堅, Huang T'ing-chien), and highly evaluated the realistic poems written by Du Bo, Baek Geo-I (白居易, pronounced, "Bai Juyi" in Chinese), and So Sik. Also, he opposed to formalism or externality, however, he never made light of formality of poetry. In his comments on the works by Chinese poets, he highly evaluated the poems sung by So Sik and Beek Geo-I, in the mean time, however, he criticized their works without hesitation. Having set up his own unique criteria for critique, Wang didn't accept other opinions in a seemingly illogical manner, and he presented what he thoughts and other different points of view from others. Specifically, he attached great importance to whether or not modification of words and phrases, grammar, and whole context were congruent to one another and had been well harmonized. However, in his poetics, Wang was so wrapped himself in reasonableness or rationality, he analyzed each and every word in great detailed manner, as the result, he sometimes didn't read the sentiment or mood that the writers intended to express through poems. He excessively restricted himself to the words and phrases, so that he was not able to realize natural emotions and joy of imagination that were presented in the poems, and, in the end, this brought about adverse effects to the poet's thought.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.45
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• pp.37-67
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• 2023

This paper aims to examine the loyalty and filial piety pursued by Taoists, focusing on the concept of loyalty and loyalty shown in Wenchang Filial Piety Classic and General Collection of Jingming on Loyalty and Filial Piety. After the Han Dynasty, the concept of loyalty and filial piety became the representative virtues that led the country and society to follow the ideology of Confucius as the dominant ideology. This applied to everyone from emperor to each individual. Taoism had different reasons for promoting the concept of loyalty and filial piety and these even varied from sect to sect, but generally, Taoism could also be said to emphasize loyalty and filial piety. Depending on the sect of Taoism, filial piety might be valued on its own or filial piety might be valued in conjunction with loyalty. In particular, defining Taoism was criticized for "forgetting the desirable behavior required in the human network of the world and severing relationships with various objects encountered in life." In this respect, the concept of loyalty and filial piety in General Collection of Jingming on Loyalty and Filial Piety, could be observed to emphasize 'filial piety' in conjunction with 'loyalty', and this shows the influence of Confucius' concept of loyalty and filial piety. At the same time, this shows the concept of loyalty and filial piety as reimagined by Taoism. The most fundamental aim of Taoism is to pursue immortality. However, as a prerequisite for becoming such a god, loyalty and filial piety, were practiced alongside 'gentleness' and 'humanity and trustworthiness.' Here, the Taoist emphasis on 'loyalty and filial piety', 'gentleness', and 'humanity and trustworthiness' is essentially the same as in Neo-Confucianism. However, seeking to become an immortal through these values represents a motivation that is different from Neo-Confucians who denied the pursuit of immortality. In this paper, loyalty and filial piety as understood and practiced by Neo-Confucian scholars will be compared with the same concepts in the Taoist context and the findings will be summarized via three categories. First, in the Taoist model longevity and the pursuit of immortality are seen as being closely related to filial piety. The reason why achieving longevity and pursuing immortality was considered closely related to filial piety is because this is a modified and enhanced reimagining of the Neo-Confucianist concept of loyalty and filial piety. The other is that Taoism's concept of loyalty and filial piety is richly supplemented with content about 'interactions between heaven and humankind.' When filial piety is practiced in this context, the principle of responding to the gods of heaven and earth is emphasized. At the same time, Taoism presents consequences for insufficient filial piety to parents or insufficient loyal to the king; disasters will be brought down by heaven. Finally, it is argued that the practice filial piety is necessary and should extend not only to parents to all phenomena in the world without distinguishing based on one's degree of intimacy to those phenomena.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.3-36
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• 2023

The main issue in medical malpractice civil litigation is medical negligence and the causal relationship between medical negligence and damages. Regarding the presumption of causality in cases where medical negligence is proven, there is a previous Supreme Court decision 93da52402 on February 10, 1995, but it is difficult to find a case that satisfies the textual requirements of the above decision, and yet, in practice, the above decision is cited. In many cases, causal relationships were assumed, and criticism was consistently raised that it was inconsistent with the text of the above judgment. In its ruling, the Supreme Court reorganized and presented a new legal principle regarding the presumption of causality when medical negligence is proven in a civil lawsuit. According to this, If the patient proves ① the existence of an act that is assessed as a medical negligence, that is, a violation of the duty of care required of an ordinary medical professional at the level of medical care practiced in the field of clinical medicine at the time of medical practice, and ② that the negligence is likely to cause damages to the patient, the burden of proving the causal relationship is alleviated by presuming a causal relationship between medical negligence and damage. Here, the probability of occurrence of damage does not need to be proven beyond doubt from a natural scientific or medical perspective, but if recognizing the causal relationship between the negligence and the damage does not comply with medical principles or if there is a vague possibility that the negligence will cause damage, causality cannot be considered proven. Meanwhile, even if a causal relationship between medical negligence and damage is presumed, the party that performed the medical treatment can overturn the presumption by proving that the patient's damage was not caused by medical negligence. Meanwhile, unlike civil cases, the standard is 'proof beyond reasonable doubt' in criminal cases, and the legal principle of presuming causality does not apply. Accordingly, in a criminal case of professional negligence manslaughter that was decided on the same day regarding the same medical accident, the case was overturned and remanded for not guilty due to lack of proof of a causal relationship between medical negligence and death. The above criminal ruling is a ruling that states that even if 'professional negligence' is recognized in a criminal case related to medical malpractice, the person should not be judged guilty if there is a lack of clear proof of 'causal relationship'.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.24
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• pp.5-46
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• 2006

Korean verse has flexibly changed its form and contents according to the historical background of the times. This fact arouses reader sympathy because it has reflected ideas, historical aspects and realities of the times. However, korean verse has kept its own characteristics in some ways, allowing it to exist today. It holds its form as 3 verses of three by three or four meter and three letters of the last of three verses. It makes every different version which has specific aspects of each times in the same 'sijo' area. 'Sijo' in Korean poems, is the first form that has been changed from formal to private functionally. As a result of that common verses in the Goryeo to Joseon eras were going with the stream of the times. Verse was the plate for justice so that there was no double meaning, symbols, or technical sentences. It had to show the idea of Myungchundo Jwonginryun. The theme was commonly fitted within certain areas. such as blessings, fidelity, devotion, etc. Around the end of the Joseon era, there was activation of private verses - a form of sijo with no restrictions on the length of the first two verses. Some ideas had been changed because Sarimpa gained power, domestic conflict, and the introduction of practical science. These things had an effect on the form of Sijo. After all, it shows the ideas of collapsing feudalism, resistance of confucian ideas, equality of the sexes, and opposition to the group who rule the government. Thus Sasul Sijo seems to have the tendency of resistance to reality. It was a specialty of realism poetry It explained our life in detail and reflected real life by being an intermediary of realism. This met and represented the demand of a reader's expectations. After 1905, there was new form of sijo that is very different, in form and content, from the previous versions. It was even different in areas of what people accepted. They started to think sijo was not the form of lyrical verse that is once was. It became a 'record of reading'. The form changed to 'hung or huhung' that satirized the times and the ending of a word in the last verse. Although this form could deliver the tension in statement, it was too iu from the original form. Therefore, it didn't last long, and its position got smaller because of the free verse that had western influence and was emerging in the times. In the middle of 1920, there was a movement of Sijo revival. It was lead by Choinamsun. He wrote poems and Sijo which were effected by western ideas in his early works. Although he worked with that, he took the lead in the movement of Sijo revival. He published the collection of Sijo $\ulcorner$Baekpalbunnwoi$\lrcorner$ that has one major theme-patriotic sentiment. He thought an ancient poem was a part of racial characteristics so that he expressed the main theme which represented the times and situations of his era. Modern Sijo is difficult. Sijo has to have modern and Korean verse characteristics at the same time. If it considers a modern aspect too much, it could not be distinguished from sijo and free verse. If it overly leans toward Sijo. it would seem to be too conservative which it then could be said to have no real charm of a poem. In spite of these problems, it is written constantly, because it has its own specialty. It has been focused on some works because they reflect awareness of modern times, the democratic idea, and realism. Overall, the authors of Modern Sijo express various themes by using different forms. The more what we can guess in this work, Sijo will exist permanently because of its flexibility. Furthermore, one special characteristic-flexibility of the korean verse will make it last forever and it will be a genre in Korean poetry.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.