• Title/Summary/Keyword: 불관용

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Factors Affecting Interpersonal Tolerance and Intolerance (대인 간 관용과 불관용에 영향을 주는 요인)

  • Joeng, Ju-Ri
    • Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.307-329
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    • 2022
  • This study aimed to explore factors which can predict interpersonal tolerance and intolerance. Specifically, the study examined whether tolerance and intolerance would be explained by demographic variables, social desirability, empathy (cognitive empathy and affective empathy), fear of compassion for others, social trust, and zero-sum belief. Participants in the study were 445 adults (218 males and 227 females) who completed an online survey. Data were analyzed by using hierarchical regression analyses to control the effects of demographic variables and social desirability. The results indicated that tolerance was explained by gender, subjective socioeconomic status, social desirability, cognitive empathy, and social trust. In addition, intolerance was predicted by social desirability, fears of compassion for others, and zero-sum belief. It means that the constructs of tolerance and intolerance are distinct, and different factors predict tolerance and intolerance, respectively. Therefore, it would be necessary to develop realistic ways to promote tolerance and to prevent intolerance at the same time in order to achieve co-existence in a multicultural and diverse society.

The Effect of Cold Work on Primary Water Stress Corrosion Cracking of $\textrm{INCONEL}_{TM}$ Alloy 600 Nuclear Power Steam Generator Tube Material (원전 증기발생기 전열관용 $\textrm{INCONEL}_{TM}$ Alloy 600의 1차측 응력부식균열에 미치는 냉간변형의 영향)

  • Lee, Deok-Hyeon;Han, Jeong-Ho;Kim, Gyeong-Mo;Kim, Jeong-Su;Lee, Eun-Cheol
    • Korean Journal of Materials Research
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    • v.8 no.8
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    • pp.726-732
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    • 1998
  • 가압 경수로형 원전에 사용되는 Alloy 600 증기발생기 전열관재료의 입계응력부식균열 거동에 미치는 냉간변형의 영향을 1차 냉각수 모사조건에서 정속인장시험방법으로 조사하였다. 인장 냉간변형은 응력부식균열을 크게 가속화 시키지는 않았으며 변형량이 25%이상인 경우에는 응력부식균열이 발생하지 않았다. 이 현상은 냉간 변형량 및 형태에 따른 미소변형 및 응력의 불균질성에 영향을 받는 것으로 사려되며 응력의 크기는 직접적인 영향을 주지 않는 것으로 보인다. 국부적인 큰 응력구배가 존재하는 경우 균열의생성 및 성장이 현저히 가속화되었는데 이는 원전 1차측 응력부식균열 기구가 응력구배에 의존하는 과정과 연관되어 있다는 증거이다. Hump 시편을 이용한 정속인장시험방법은 짧은 실험기간내에 원전 1차측 응력부식균열 특성을 평가할 수 있는 방법이었다.

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Corrosion of the non-beryllium dental casting Ni-Cr alloys for the denture base framework metal and the porcelain-fused-to-metal crown (베릴륨 불포함 치과 주조용 니켈-크롬 합금 중 금속의치상용 합금과 금속소부도재관용 합금의 부식에 관한연구)

  • Kim, Hong-Sik;Song, Jae-Sang;Park, Soo-Chul
    • Journal of Technologic Dentistry
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    • v.34 no.4
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    • pp.337-344
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    • 2012
  • Purpose: This study examined the corrosion level by alloy type and pH, and used the corrosion levels as the dental health data. The study utilized one Ni-Cr alloy for the full and removable partial denture metal frameworks and two Ni-Cr alloys for porcelain-fused-to-metal crown, among the non-beryllium dental casting non-precious Ni-Cr alloys. Methods: The alloy specimens were manufactured in $10cm^2$ and stored in the corrosive solution(pH 2.2-4.4) in the electrical water bath($37^{\circ}C$) for seven days. Afterwards, the metal ions were quantitatively analyzed using the ICP. Results: Of the three metal alloys, Bellabond-Plus$^{(R)}$alloy and SOLIBOND N$^{(R)}$alloy, with 22% or higher chrome chemical contents, had higher corrosion resistance than Jdium-100$^{(R)}$alloy with 20% chrome chemical content. In all three alloys, the corrosion of Ni was highest, and metal ion corrosion was higher in the pH 2.2 corrosive solution. Conclusion: Although Ni-Cr alloy was not very corrosive, a Ni-allergic patient should not have Ni-Cr alloy prosthesis. The Ni-Cr alloy for porcelain-fused-to-metal crown should be designed for the dental porcelain to cover the whole crown.

A Study on the Ellipsis of Case markers through the Hangul letters of Hyun-Poong Kwak's family (현풍(玄風) 곽씨(郭氏) 언간(諺簡)의 격조사(格助詞) 생략(省略)에 대한 고찰(考察))

  • Jeon, Byeong-Yong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.33
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    • pp.413-435
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    • 2008
  • This study is purposed to analyze the appearances and functions of ellipsis of case markers through the Hangul letters of Hyun-Poong Kwak's family in the early 17th century. Hangul letters appear more colloquial than typography, and ellipsis is the one of main features of it. Generally, 'ellipsis' occurs when a constituent of a sentence deliberately leaves out of a sentence, because it is repeated or can be deduced by the context or occasion. As Hangul letter is written for a specific person, 'ellipsis' occurs more often than typography written for unspecified individuals. The ellipsis of case markers are not an exception. The ellipsis has functions as follow. The first, function is 'brevity.' Communication can be more convenient by ellipsis. Next will be 'informality.' Informality caused by ellipsis can make people express their thoughts and feelings fluently and naturally. It is the reason that spoken language has more frequently occurred ellipses than written language. The third function is 'quickness.' The same information can be delivered more quickly by the sentence using ellipsis than not using. In the 21st Century, ellipsis is misused in netizen communication owing to the quickness. The last function should be 'the effect of a literary style.' The effects can embody through ellipsis such as 'rhythm effect', 'letter style effect', 'translation style effect.' As a result of analyzing ellipsis of case markers, frequency follows the order below.[subjective objective > Locative > Dative > Commutative > Instrumental]

A Study on Improving Estimation of Recurrence Rate of Public Water -Jungnangcheon Watershed- (생활용수 회귀수량 산정방법의 개선연구 -중랑천 유역을 대상으로-)

  • Jung, Chung Gil;Ahn, So Ra;Joh, Hyung Kyung;Kim, Seong Joon
    • Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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    • 2015.05a
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    • pp.509-509
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    • 2015
  • 물 수요관리측면에 대한 정책을 수립하기 위해서는 현재 또는 장래에 대한 용수수급의 정확한 이해를 필요로 한다. 이를 위해서는 용수 수요량 및 공급량뿐만 아니라 여러 산정요소를 필요로 하는데, 그 중 회귀수량은 물이 이용되고 다시 하천으로 회귀되어 이용될 가능성이 있는 수량으로 정의되며, 용수수급 및 용수절약 측면에서 회귀 수량은 중요한 요소라 할 수 있다. 회귀수량 조사는 유역조사 사업 이래, 10년간 생?공용수를 중심으로 미시적, 거시적으로 조사를 시행하였으나, 측정 자료의 신뢰도, 조사방법 및 지점선정 등의 문제로 인하여 조사 성과의 활용성이 매우 낮은 실정이다. 수자원장기종합계획등에서는 수자원관련 계획 수립시 생?공용수의 회귀율을 65 %로 적용하고 있으나, 이는 1970년대 말의 사회적 여건 및 경제적 상황이 반연된 결과로 현재 상황에 적용되기 곤란하다. 따라서, 현재 실정에 맞는 회귀율 산정은 반드시 필요하게 된다. 본 연구에서는 기존 생활용수 회귀수량 산정 연구 한계를 보완하고 유역조사 시행을 위한 개선된 회귀수량을 산정하고자 한다. 본 연구는 서울시 중랑물재생센터 처리구역을 기반으로 중랑천유역을 시험유역으로 선정하였다. 기존 회귀수량 산정방법을 개선하기 위해 시험유역 회귀수량 산정을 위한 가용 자료 분석 및 용수흐름 네트워크 공간분석을 추가로 진행하였다. 가용자료로 시험 유역내 상수공급자료(정수장 공급량, 상수계통도, 유수 및 누수율), 하수처리자료(하수처리구역도, 하수처리계통도, 유입량 및 방류량) 및 기상자료(기상청 지점 및 AWS 강우자료)를 구축하였고 각각의 상수계통도 및 하수처리계통도로부터 용수 흐름 네트워크망을 구축하였다. 상수공급자료로부터 상수계통도 공급지역을 구분하여 월별 유수율에 따른 월별 실 공급량을 산정하였다. 하수처리자료로부터 시험유역에서의 월별하수처리 유입량 및 방류량을 산정하였다. 최종적으로 회귀율(하수처리 방류량/실 공급량)을 산정한 결과 연평균 회귀율은 각각 93.97 %(2011년), 95.02%(2012년)로 과잉 추정 되었으며 7 ~ 9월의 회귀율은 110 ~ 120 %로 유입량을 초과하였다. 이는, 하수처리로 유입되는 유입량의 하수관거는 합류식으로 구축되어 7 ~ 9월에 많은 양의 강우량이 우수관을 통해 하수처리장으로 이송되어 생활용수 이외에 자연적인 공급량으로 인한 것으로 분석되었다. 따라서, 월별 회귀율 산정을 위해서는 불투수층에서의 면적강우량(mm)을 유입량(m3/s)으로 환산된 값을 고려하여 회귀율을 재산정하였다. 그 결과 연평균 회귀율은 각각 78.27 %(2011년), 77.58 %(2012년)로 나타났다.각각의 월별 회귀율도 매우 유사하게 나타났으며 과거 관용적으로 사용된 65 % 회귀율보다 약 12 ~ 13%로 증가하였으며 이는, 하수처리시설 구축 및 처리효율의 증가와 상수처리시설의 관로시설의 개량으로 인한 유수율 및 누수율 감소로 회귀율이 증가한 것으로 판단된다.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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