• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.77-114
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• 2003

Analyses of the special data sets constructed from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics reveal that, compared with an annual wage measure, survey week wages are significantly counter-cyclically biased due to selecting workers with strong labor market attachment. We also find that survey week wages are more counter-cyclically biased in high-wage industries than in low-wage industries, that is, inter-industry gaps of survey week wages are counter-cyclically biased. Unlike existing longitudinal studies, the current study concludes that real wages are much more procyclical in high-wage industries than in low-wage industries, which is attributed to our adoption of annual wages that is less subject to the selectivity bias. Our finding is consistent with the empirical regularity that real wages are much more procyclical for men than for women, as men are overrepresented in industries with greater real wage procyclicalities. Overall, current results do not support the predictions of segmented labor market theories for the cyclicality of real wages.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.15
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• pp.77-86
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• 1992

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.277-306
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• 2017

This article empirically explores the impact of minijobs in the wake of the Hartz reform in Germany on women's employment relationship. Theoretically it is of great significance to examine whether the minijobs play an active role as a bridge in leading the minijobbers to regular, socially secured jobs or not. Several interviews as well as secondary data I could get during my sabbatical in 2015 were used to test the theory. One of the main findings was the fact that the minijob labor market opened doors wide for women in Germany, particularly for career-interrupted women, students or pensioners. However, the minijob can easily become a trap of lowest income and poverty for women. Most women minjobbers cannot go over to regular, socially secured jobs. Especially in terms of collective industrial relations, it considerably damages the power of industrial unions and the legal binding force of collective agreement. In conclusion, this study makes it clear that the labor market segmentation theory rather than the transitional labor market theory is valid in accounting for the reality of minijob in Germany. In other words, the minijob in Germany has a Toijan Horse Effect. It also suggests, from a practical viewpoint, that German industrial unions or works councils organize the minijobbers and that the coverage of collective agreements be extended to the minijobbers. Consequently, the time-selective part-timer model put into practice in Korea in 2014 is not only invalid but also undesirable.