• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.2
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• pp.57-79
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• 2011

Universalism has received a considerable amount of attention in recent discussion of Korea welfare state. This paper explores tensions between universal, selective and residual welfare policies in Korea. It argues that selective welfare policies are useful allies for developing the universal welfare state. At the same time, principles of universalism are always formed in particular socioeconomic and historical contexts, and reflect the solidarity of various social stratifications or classes. This implies that the principles must be regarded as open to contestation, reformulation and change. The way to develope universal welfare state in Korea shouldn't follow the path observed in the Western welfare states. Korean society needs to find its own principles and path to develop a universal welfare state.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.79-87
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• 2014

Universalism and selectivism about welfare polices are a point at issue that is being discussed consistently. This issue is mainly discussed as the object of political selection because the selection of welfare polices are thought of discretionary powers. But welfare policies are issue of the constitutional value order. Therefore studies are need in this viewpoint. Accordingly this paper studied the aim of welfare policies to be based of social state ideology. Therefore this paper found the adequacy of selective universalism. Furthermore, This paper shows a distinguishing standard to select the welfare policies in selective universalism.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.4
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• pp.277-299
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• 2011

The current study analyzed the tax structure in the welfare states. The appropriate tax structure of universal welfare state should be based on expanding all taxes, rather than choosing between direct and indirect, progressive and regressive, or mobile and immobile tax. The revenue for the universal welfare payment should be raised by levying tax on all people provided that the welfare payment is made available to all people. The analysis led to classification of tax structure into the high tax European model and the low tax English and East Asian model. The high tax European model was further classified into the balance tax model and the high social security model. The low tax English and East Asian model was classified into the low social security model and the high property tax model. Based on the results, the study maintained that the universal welfare states need not only to expand welfare resources but to develop tax system that corresponds to the universal welfare system.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.3-38
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• 2018

This study aims to analyse the redistributive impact of the welfare state growth in Korea after 2000s and establish whether there are people excluded from the benefits of the growth. The growth of the Korean welfare state has been achieved by universalizing welfare benefits under the social insurance-centered institutions which are the legacies of the productivist/developmental welfare regime. When it comes to redistribution impacts, the welfare state growth improved inequality among old age populations to a certain degree due to the introduction of the Basic Pension. On the other hand, welfare benefits for the working poor population has hardly been improved in spite of the growing welfare state. It can be said, therefore, that low-income working-age populations have been excluded from the growth of Korean welfare state. These groups are mostly in middle-old age, unemployed or precariously employed and half of them were female householders. The exclusion of these groups from the Korean welfare state shows that the growth of the Korean welfare state was unbalanced. To include the excluded into the Korean welfare state, it is necessary to increase non-insurance social provisions, extend the range of application of the social insurances, integrate income protection, employment service, and vocational training for the working poor, and combine universal and targeted welfare benefits.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.43-49
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• 2022

This study aims to study Esping-Anderson's theory of welfare state system, develop a model of welfare state suitable for Korea's situation, and apply it to reality. In this research method, basic research and analysis of ideology is used, focusing on Esping-Anderson's welfare state system theory, and applying it appropriately to the Korean situation. Studies on the model of the welfare state have been studied after the classification of complementary and institutional models asserted by Willensky and Lebo in 1965. In addition, Esping-Andersen asserts three things as a model of the welfare state according to ideology. First, the role of the market is central to the liberal welfare system that best fits the image of classical capitalism, and individualistic solidarity through the market. The role of the state or family, which can be a hindrance, is actually marginalized. In addition, in order to maximize individualistic solidarity through the market, de-commodification in the national domain tends to be minimized. Second, the conservative welfare system has a strong familistic element, so the source of social solidarity is the family, and the state plays a role of supporting and supplementing the characteristics of this family. In the conservative system, de-commodification appears to be high among household heads, or the welfare system takes on a corporatist and nationalistic form, it can be said that these characteristics are reflected. Third, in the social democratic welfare system, the source of social solidarity is the state. Therefore, the role of the state is large, the state has a high possibility of decommodification, and it has the characteristics of substitutes for the family and the market through universalist intervention. This study applies Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models to study a model suitable for the Korean situation. In conclusion, Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models can be classified into a market-oriented model based on a liberal welfare system, a status-oriented model based on a conservative corporatist welfare system, and a solidarity-oriented model based on a social-democratic welfare system, presented a compromise between liberalism and conservatism as a Korean model.

• 한국노년학
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.563-578
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• 2009

Public pension system of western welfare states has been maintained by transfers of public resources between working-age population and old-age population. But population aging cause the problem of fiscal burden on pension financing, so cutback on public spending for the elderly has been on the issue at public agenda. The argument on public spending for the elderly is more aggressively proceeded in the United States than any other welfare states. The argument is concerned with the problems of generation and is going under the rhetoric name of 'Generational Equity' which contends unequal distribution of social resources such as federal budget within generations. This article analyzes the background of 'Generational Equity' perspective and the reason why that argument is actively going forward in the U. S. and political-economy context of that argument. Generational Equity perspective contends that the elderly are getting more benefits and high spending on the elderly has contributing to the rising poverty rate of children. But there are lots of objection to this perspective on the ground that the perspective has weak positive evidences. The reason that 'Generational Equity' perspective has the power only in the U. S. but other welfare states is mainly due to that pluralistic political regime and selective welfare system. This research presents that political-economy meaning of 'Generational Equity' perspective is related to the political regime and welfare system of the society itself. And this research has the implication that our society having a selective welfare system would take a risk of encountering 'Generational Equity' social debate in the near future.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

"The Candle Revolution" impeached the Park government and elected the Moon government. The candlelight protesters demonstrated public anger associated with accumulated corruption and deep-rooted irregularities. Complete political reform is required to perform deep fundamental reform. It aims to transform democracy in a way that is more inclusive. Inclusive democracy contributes to making welfare state stronger. Inclusive democracy is made possible by proportional representation that allows progressive parties more seats and leverages. Proportional representation systems are characterized by higher degrees of redistribution and larger welfare state. Constitutional reform has to be focused on introducing parliamentary government. "Imperialistic" presidential system in Korea has no mechanism of checks and balances which are key characteristics of presidential systems. It has failed to attend the poverty and social inequality arising from globalization and neoliberal change since 2000s. Parliamentary government is supposed to deliver social policy when parties are more disciplined than in presidential system where political parties remain weak.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.151-178
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• 2014

Highly Differentiated and segmented social insurance scheme in Taiwan shows its salient dimension of stratification, which has been considered as a general feature of conservative welfare regime. However, compared to Western conservative welfare states, Taiwan's social insurance scheme shows a distinct feature. First, Taiwan's social insurance scheme has offered a full coverage for various benefits. Secondly, Labor Insurance and Government employees' Insurance reveal distinct features of stratification. Labor Insurance has developed a universalistic system based on status equality and cross-class solidarity of working classes while Government employees' Insurance includes a myriad of occupational- and status-based programs. This article aims to articulate the historical origin of Taiwan's unique social insurance scheme and explains it as an unintended result of state's political intervention and various interests of each insured groups, especially, politically, economically, and ethnically conflicting identities of government employees and working classes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.1
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• pp.175-207
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• 2006

Beveridge report has been supported by domestic and overseas since the second world war and has considerately effected on welfare policy of many countries including UK. But criticism regarding his social security's principles assumptions continuously has been proposed since the 1990s. Certainly, no one might object to the truth that there might be no possibility to come true Beveridge's principles and assumptions. However according to this studies, some of these criticisms were based on wrong understanding, interpretation or recent situation and policy which was executed differently from Beveridge's meaning. It's shown that Beveridge has been more misestimated than what he has to be suffered. Therefore from now on, it is constructive to endeavor to set up the better principles and assumption of social security which can adhere to social solidarity and universalism as well as preserve and improve welfare state' ideology and value considering transformed circumstances rather than criticize Beveridge's principles and assumptions that was suitable for that time.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.51-69
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• 1995

The Swedish welfare state has been the model for others to emulate the archetypical example of state intervention. The state interventions are presented in the form of legal acts. These social welfare acts can be classified according to the demographic transition theory. According to the Bogue's theory, the demographic transition in Sweden took place in four stages : the pre-transitional stage before 1810; the early transitional stage from 1810 to 1860; the mid-transitional stage from 1860 to 1930; the late transitional stage from 1930 to now. As we look into the social welfare acts in Sweden, the relief of the poor was the major concern of the early transitional stage, the care of workers was the major concerns of the mid-transitional stage and the care of the families was the major concerns in the late transitional stage. The Korea's transition period can be devided as follows; the pre-transitional stage before 1960; the early transitional stage from 1960 to 1969; the mid-transitional stage from 1970 to 1987; and the late transitional stage from 1987 to now. In Korea, the major concern of the early transitional stage was the care of the officials and the workers; in the mid-transitional stage the care of the aged and the handicapped were the major concerns. And in the late transitional stage the expanding of the welfare clients was the major concern. If we compare the results of both countries, the relief of the poor, the care of the workers and the care of the families will be the major concerns in Korea, because the social welfare acts in Korea are extended to specific groups and not to the whole population. The acts related to these social issues have been arranged in 120 years in Sweden. But Korea had to do the same work in 27 years. So the burden of making those social acts will be four times heavier. If we want to extend the benefits of the social system to the general population, we need to look at the design and approach of the swedish model. The reason why swedish social acts constitute an international model has more to do with the uniqueness of its design and approach. First of all, it is characteristic by its universalism, secondly by its emphasis on social services and thirdly by its productivitism. Also the swedish welfare state supported by a high-tax system called the earnings-related welfare system. In order to achieve an effective welfare state, we Koreans should pay attention to the relief of the poor, the care of the worker and the families. We should also focus on a good system design and prepare appropriate budgets.