• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.271-296
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• 2018

In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.329-362
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• 2017

This study starts from the awareness that 'rebellious communication' is still being regulated in various ways even though 'rebellious communication' was declared unconstitutional in a decision by the Constitutional Court in 2002. The meaning of 'rebellious' has been amplified and transformed at various points through the censorship systems established during the Japanese colonial era, the US military period, and the regime of Park Jung-hee. In particular, 'rebellious communication' is regulated to protect 'national security' and 'social customs' from the perspective of power. This study analyzed discourses containing judgement about the Park Jung-geun case and the violation of the National Security Law using retweet accounts or posts related to North Korea. This study explores the genealogy of 'rebellious communication' based on its relationship to the characteristics of Twitter and specific individuals.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-30
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• 2017

The conspiracy theories of political events are occurring in every country and society. In Korean society, conspiracy theories about political events are constantly happening. Conspiracy refers to the phenomenon of a particular individual or group who oppose the official causes of social phenomena. Conspiracy is a resistance to the credibility of the state and the government. In Korean society, conspiracy occurs mainly in political events. The conspiracy theories of political events appear in the form of conservatism and progressivism, which seeks to replace political power and political power to stabilize political power. The conspiracy theory about Jang Jun-Ha's death occurred in the process of seeking justification for a person who is resisting the ruling forces. Also, the conspiracy theory of the Gwangju Democratization Movement and the Cheonan Warship Sinking may be a drag on the justification for the justification for the takeover of the new military government and the justification for the Disconnection of inter-Korean relations. In Korean politics, Conspiracy theory is a factor that confuses Korean society regardless of whether it is true or not.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.