• Proceedings of the Safety Management and Science Conference
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• 2009.04a
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• pp.105-108
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• 2009

기존의 연구논문들에서는 1975년부터 1992년 사이의 OECD 국가들에서 집권정부별 국민들이 느끼는 행복감을 알아보기 위한 분석들이 주로 이루어졌다. 이러한 행복감을 알아보는 데에는 특히 인플레이션율과 실업률이 주요 변수로 활용되고 있다. 각국별로 살펴볼 때, 진보정부의 경우에 있어서는 실업률에 더 주안점을 두는 반면에 보수정부는 인플레이션율에 더 민감하게 대처함을 알 수 있었다. 이러한 점들을 살펴보면, OECD 국가들에서 빈곤층은 진보정부를 선호하고 상대적으로 소득수준에서 상위계층은 보수정부를 선호할 것으로 추정된다. 이 논문에서는 한국의 경우 시계열 관계상 진 보정부와 보수정부로 나누지 않고 행복감에 대하여 소비자심리지수를 대용변수로 사 용하였을 경우 경기회복에 따른 산업생산 증가와 이를 위한 정부지출이 중요한 변수 임을 알 수 있었다.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.39-70
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• 1987

본고(本稿)에서는 정부투자기관(政府投資機關)의 적정보수(適正報酬) 수준(水準)에 관한 이론(理論)을 제시(提示)하고 이를 배경으로 하여 25개 정부투자기관의 보수실태를 민간기업(民間企業) 및 공무원(公務員)의 경우와 대비(對比)하여 실증적으로 분석 평가하고자 하였다. 정부투자기관의 보수수준(報酬水準)은 "민간(民間) 공공대등(公共對等)의 원칙(原則)"을 반영하여야 한다는 것이 본고(本稿)의 주장(主張)이며, 이에 따라 본고(本稿)에서는 1985년 3월의 시점에서 공공(公共) 민간(民間) 각 부문 종사자들의 직종별(職種別) 학력별(學歷別) 생애임금(生涯賃金)(퇴직금(退職金) 포함(包含)) 수준(水準)을 추계하여 비교하였고, 동시에 부문별(部門別) 임금함수(賃金函數)를 추정(推定)하여 임금격차(賃金隔差) 구조상(構造上)의 부문간 상이여부(相異與否)를 검증(檢證)하였다. 검증(檢證)에 의하면 민간기업(民間企業)(500인(人) 이상(以上))에 비하여 정부투자기관의 평균생애임금(平均生涯賃金)은 사무관리직(事務管理職)의 경우 21%, 생산기능직(生産技能職)의 경우 39% 높았다. 동시(同時)에 정부투자기관 상호간(相互間)의 생애임금(生涯賃金) 격차(隔差)도 적지 않았다. 반면에 학력(學歷) 성(性) 직종(職種)에 따른 임금격차는 민간기업에 비하여 정부투자기관이 훨씬 적었다. 보수체계(報酬體系)에 있어서는 사무직의 경우 각종 수당(手當)이 민간기업에서는 총급여(總給與)의 25%를 차지하였으나 투자기관에서는 총급여(總給與)의 53%에 달하였다. 한편 공무원(公務員)의 평균생애임금(平均生涯賃金)은 민간기업의 수준보다 낮아 사무관리직(事務管理職)의 경우 민간기업 수준의 71%, 생산기능직(生産技能職)의 경우 민간기업 수준의 90%에 불과하였다. 본고(本稿)의 결과에 의하면 공공부문(公共部門)의 보수정책(報酬政策)에는 개선(改善)의 여지가 적지 않다고 하겠다.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.163-198
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• 2018

This study analyzed the change of the Korean welfare regime during the conservative government. It is clear that the welfare expanded during the conservative government, but this expansion was the process of realizing the constraint of expansion that reduces future welfare expenditure in Korea. In addition, as the public welfare centered on social insurance expanded after 10 years of liberal government, the backward selectivity of the Korean welfare regime strengthened in the conservative administration. Expanding social insurance itself does not reinforce the backward selectivity of the Korean welfare regime. However, the industrial structure created by the export-led growth system has intensified the fragmentation of the labor market, and expanding social insurance designed based on regular workers under these conditions has forced the backward selectivity of the social security system. It is for this reason that the backward selectivity has been reinforced during the conservative government.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.209-235
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• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• Proceedings of the Safety Management and Science Conference
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• 2009.04a
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• pp.109-121
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• 2009

In these OECD countries, left-wingers Government focus on unemployment, but right -wingers Government cares more about inflation. It is that inflation and unemployment don't have differential effects across rich and poor and the happiness levels of these two groups are unaffected by identity of the Government in power. The poor people choose to left-wingers Government, but rich people prefer to right -wingers Government. I estimate whether above opinion is correct or not. Especially I check how my results change when I control for aggregate economy activity and government consumption, two variables that could be correlated with inflation and unemployment and affect each Government's happiness differentially. This paper, and I believe much of the happiness literature, can be understood as an application of experienced utility, a conception that emphasis the pleasures derived from private consumption and sentiment of it. In Granger Causality test, private consumption sentiment index related with industrial production interactively in Korea. The business cycles affect on private consumption sentiment index.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2012.04a
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• pp.1373-1374
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• 2012

공공시설 자산관리는 기존의 대응적 유지보수 개념의 시설물유지관리체계에서 예방적 유지보수 개념으로 전환한 시설물 유지보수의 새로운 개념이다. 기존에 운영되고 있는 공공시설관리 시스템들을 효율적으로 관리하기 위해서는 자산관리 모형이 표준화되어 범정부EA 지원시스템에 목표아키텍처로 등록되고 더 나아가서는 범정부 표준시스템으로 만들어 필요한 기관에 보급할 필요가 있다. 이 연구에서는 공공시설 자산관리 정보시스템을 구축하는데 필수적인 참조모델을 시스템의 상호운영성과 정보의 호환성을 확보하기 용이하도록 범정부EA 관점에서 제시하였다. 제시한 자산관리 참조모델이 GEAP에 등록 관리 된다면 이것을 바탕으로 타 기관에서 향후 정보시스템을 구축할 때 사전에 파악하고 활용하도록 제안 할 수 있을 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.87-108
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• 2013

With questionnaires conducted for 613 adult Koreans in Seoul, the present study examined how their social features (income level, political party identification, political values, values of capitalism and egalitarianism) exercise influence on attitudes toward income polarization and their evaluation of government policies. Two groups of participants (high vs. low) for each social feature were formed first. Then their attitudes toward income polarization (liberal vs. conservative) and evaluations of policies (liberal vs. conservative) exercised by government (Participatory vs. Practical) were compared. Results indicated that liberal value was strengthened by liberal value, anti-capitalistic, and conservative value was strengthened by egalitarian values, and party identification. It was also found that party identification partial effect on the judgment of policies exercised by Participatory Government. These findings were discussed in terms of their implications for Korean society and measures for communication constructive for settlement of income polarization were suggested.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.69-79
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• 2017

This study focuses on the fact that the past government has been consistent with the one-sided withdrawal policy without any clear countermeasures in relation to the ongoing nuclear development of the DPRK. The purpose of this study is to improve the understanding of South Korea's North Korea policy and to present the direction of the North Korea policy in the future by comparing and researching the North Korea policy pursued by Lee Myung - bak government / Park-Geun-Hye government. Such an attempt will provide a basis for evaluating the previous government's policies toward North Korea, and will also help to find alternatives to sustainable inter-Korean relations and North Korea policy to achieve a unified Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.