• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.373-403
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to establish the classification principle of archives for the May 18th democratic uprising in terms of preservation and utilization of it and to develop an integrated classification system for it. For this purpose, it was carried out by the previous research on the classification of records and institutional case analysis. Also, we developed an integrated provenance-based classification system based on the practical analysis on the data held in 3 representative institutions in Gwangju. This classification system was proposed by facets of 'provenance-material-period-media-subject' type. We also proposed the collection-based integrated classification system that reflects on the expansion of archivists' role and the trend of times.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.6
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• pp.466-479
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• 2021

Fake news is flooded with fake news that mixes untrue falsehoods in whole or in part. In order to create a frame for political and social purposes, news is mainly created by combining facts with fakes, or news is created for the purpose of incitement to encourage distortion and hatred. In particular, some media, including over-the-air broadcasting, are expressing their political bias in a specific direction without hesitation. Even if the press has political bias, if it is based on the delivery of facts, a trusted media environment can be achieved under the mutual checks of conservatives and progressives. The May 18 Democratic Uprising is a painful history and fact of modern history, leaving remuneration and progress. Nevertheless, there is still a view that the May 18 Democratic Uprising is regarded as 'democracy movement' and 'violence'. This study analyzed how the conservative JoongAng Ilbo and the progressive Kyunghyang Shinmun Manpyeong deal with the May 18 Democratic Uprising. The Manpyeong of the two newspapers differs greatly from the viewpoint of the May 18 Democratic Uprising. The liberal tendency of the Kyunghyang Shinmun Manpyeong has great significance in that it reveals the essence of the event and satirizes the subject. On the other hand, the conservative JoongAng Ilbo Manpyeong cannot approach the nature of the case or the object of satire due to ambiguity.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.249-255
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• 2021

The Korea Democracy Foundation's archives offer its collection of records about Korean democratization movements through "Open-Archives," allowing users to read and use them conveniently. One particular article aimed to promote an overall understanding of its photo database to offer more promising services through the "Open-Archives." Similarly, many different archives hold photographic records, but they have difficulty releasing them to the public. Therefore, the present study introduced the case of Korea Democracy Foundation's project of building a photo database for Tony Chung in 2019-2020 to improve its establishment process, significance, and future tasks.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.5-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.366
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• pp.31-33
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• 2006

• Journal of Information Management
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.139-163
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• 2006

This article analyze a constructing process of photographic digital archive based on photographs of korean democratization movements. After photographic digital archive defines as integrated systems in which photographic digital objects collect, classify, describe, preserve and access, this article explains metadata elements and classification schema reflecting a special quality of photograph. Especially, this article presents dynamic classification structure using subject keywords. After all, this method provides integrity and interrelationship with photographes which promote usability of photographic digital objects.

• Korean Architects
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• s.643
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• pp.98-103
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• 2022

• The Science & Technology
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• v.30 no.11 s.342
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• pp.24-25
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• 1997

선진국에서는 정책결정을 할 때 과학기술분야에도 시민 참여가 활기를 띠고 있다. 덴마크의 '합의회의'를 보면 인구집단을 대표할 수 있는 노동자, 주부, 기업가, 대학생, 교수 등 해당분야 비전문가로 구성된 패널이 전문가, 언론인, 일반인을 앞에 놓고 3일동안 공개토론을 벌인 뒤 정책권고사항 등을 담은 보고서를 내놓는 것이다. 최근 우리나라도 과학기술시민운동이 싹트고 있다. 국민을 아끼는 진정한 과학대중화운동이 절실할 때다.

• 프린팅코리아
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• v.14 no.7
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• pp.94-95
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• 2014

'인쇄인 강은기 평전'은 인쇄인으로서 민주화운동의 숨은 지사로 살다 간 강은기의 삶과 사상을 엮은 책이다. 박정희 유신체제가 서슬 퍼런 시절부터 독재정권의 감시를 피해가며 각종 시국선언문과 화보집, 소식지 등을 도맡아 인쇄했던 인쇄인 강은기의 파란만장한 삶을 담아냈다.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.497-525
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• 2017

This study verified whether university students of Gwangju and Jeollanam-do recall negative information like violence and death faster than positive information like democratic community about the May 18 Gwangju democratic movement in implicit dimension. University students of Gwangju responded faster when the May 18 combined with the pictures of negative content. However, university students of Jeollanam-do responded marginally faster when the May 18 combined with the pictures of positive content. In addition, the students performed implicit evaluation test towards the May 18. The students of Gwangju showed a slightly negative attitude towards the May 18, while the students of Jeollanam-do showed a positive attitude towards the May 18. This study acquires significance because it confirmed that university students of Gwangju have an implicit representation similar to trauma and a terrible feeling about the May 18.