• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.228
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• pp.27-27
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• 1998

한국사회 민주주의론을 다룬 두 권의 책은 80년대 후반 시작된 민주주의 논의의 연장선상에 서 있다는 점에서 공통적이다. 앞의 책이 '민주주의 공고화' 단계에 진입했는지 여부를 중점적으로 다뤘다면 뒤의 책은 참여민주주의에 대한 본격적인 저작이다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.157-188
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• 2016

Since democratic transition in the early 1990s, constitutionalism is getting more important for democratic consolidation in Africa. Using Afribarometer data set, this paper explains influences on public confidence in judiciary. High levels of public trust in judiciary is a necessary condition for judicial system to work effectively in emerging democracy. Unlike existing studies focusing on the function of judiciary and legal procedures, this paper is interested in the relationship between how ordinary Africans perceive the attitudes of the chief executive toward judiciary, the rule of law, and judicial corruption and their confidence in judiciary. The results show that those who think that the chief executive is likely to respect the constitution and the judiciary, that the law applies to everyone equally, and that there are few corrupt judicial personnel are likely to show high levels of confidence in judiciary. This study argues that the tension between laws and politics have a significant influence on transitional justice in emerging democracy.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.67-88
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• 2009

In April, 1995, ANC government was established in South Africa. The Black government set up Truth and Reconciliation Committee in November, 1995. The Committee investigated approximately 50,000 cases for 3years. Through this process, Black and White in SA could be united into one. Finally, the system of racial discrimination, lasting for about 300 years, was abolished. The Committee played a role as a social infra-structure, which was to perform and solidify democracy in SA. Reconciliation, agreement, Participation, equality, Communication, and Reformation of law system were practically implemented by the Committee. Many people evaluate TRC's activity, which had the reformative and democratic character of the object of investigation, investigative criterion, investigative process, and the approval of investigative result. But De Klerk evaluates that TRC retaliated the White with legal. J. Cronin evaluates that TRC transiently change democracy of the South Africa, and many other social movement groups had a negative view about TRC. But the Black and White in South Africa transformed 'discriminated society' into 'united one'. The Committee took the initiative in such a change. The Committee was not an organization needed for the policy, but the committee was the policy itself to change the former society to the new one. Now The ANC government was forwarding TRC's roles and functions to the truth and reconciliation bureau of the Justice Department for further action. The ANC government has to execute some policy for social reconciliation. Firstly, the government needs to build construction social and national system for making close investigation into the White's historical guilt. Secondly, it must be executed to TRC's recommendation pursuit social reform of social infra-structure in the South Africa. Thirdly, The government should execute policy for the Black's right as labors and social member. Lastly, the government must investigate still-remaining historic state violence and infringement of human right for social reconciliation.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.46
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• pp.145-177
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• 2001

This paper seeks to analyze how the welfare state has developed both in the Kim Young Sam government and in the Kim Dae Jung government. Among other things, the two governments share some similarities: compared to the previous authoritarian governments, both of them enjoyed a high level of democratic legitimacy; the two were under pressure to win the elections to acquire and remain in power; and finally, the two tried to strengthen welfare system. But there exist more critical differences. The Kim Dae Jung government was a minority government, while the Kim Young Sam government was a majority one. Compared to the latter one, the former came to power in an extremely bad economic condition. Fortunately, however, the Kim Dae Jung government was able to enjoy a relatively high level of state autonomy resulting from an exceptional situation of foreign currency crisis. In addition, it was more reformist in policy orientation and had a more open cooperative network with civil society. All these differences added up to produce remarkable differences with regard to the improvement in welfare development. Especially, it is noted that the Kim Dae Jung government was very successful in several respects: provision of national minimum, integration of national medical insurance, development of productive welfare system, and final1y increase in welfare spending. Recently, criticisms from the opposition party, the press, and middle and upper class people mount against the Kim Dae Jung government which has made significant mistakes in instituting the separation of medical and pharmaceutical businesses. However, the important improvements in welfare institutions and programs by the Kim Dae Jung government need to be maintained to deal with all the negative effects of a naked market economy. They must also be sustained to keep alive democracy that Korean people have fought for nearly half a century.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.44
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• pp.241-281
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• 2013

First and foremost, a discussion concerning government structure has to be done in connection with the state form and the governmental form. For practical reasons, there is a need to balance the principle of legality and its exceptions under the Government Organization Act. To ensure the flexibility of government structure with respect to the principle of legality, the National Assembly should accept the government structure requested by the newly elected government. This mitigates the rigidity of the principle of the legality within the government organizations. However, excessive changes by each government could violate the principle of legality asked by Constitution. In this sense, arbitrary modification with respect to the government structure by the newly elected government is not desirable. The long term stability of the government organization is required in any case. Secondly, general administrative agencies, other than Executive Ministries, should not be established under the direct order of the President without the control of the Prime Minister. A hierarchy of the executive branch (President->Prime Minister-> Executive Ministries) is stipulated in the Constitution. Establishing a hierarchy of President -> executive institution should be considered unconstitutional. Therefore, only the Presidential Secretariat and institutions with special functions can be established in the Presidential Office. Establishing general administrative agencies in the Presidential Office for convenience purposes is against the spirit of the current Constitution. Consequently, only the office of staffs and special agencies can be placed in the presidential office. It is against the spirit of the current Constitution to found administrative agencies under the presidential office for convenience. Thirdly, the office of the Prime Minister should be the backbone of internal affairs. In that sense, the President, as the head of state, should focus on the big picture such as the direction of the State, while the Cabinet headed by the Prime Minister should be responsible for the daily affairs of the State. The cabinet surrounding the Prime Minister must control all the ordinary affairs of the State, while the President, as the head of the State, should focus on the big picture of blueprinting the aim of the State. Lastly, the Office of the Prime Minister and Executive Ministries are the two main bodies of the executive branch. It is important to reduce the confusion caused by repeated changes in the names of Executive Ministries, to restore the traditional names and authorities of these institutions, and to rehabilitate the legitimacy of the State. For the Korean democracy to take its roots, a systematic way of stabilizing a law-governed democratic country is needed. There is also the need not only to reform security and economic agencies, but also to rationally solve the integration of technique and policy, according to the changes of time.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.55
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• pp.205-230
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• 2003

This article examines the continuity and change of Korean welfare regime during 1990s. Democracy, globalization and the financial crisis changed the landscape of Korean society as a whole and provided a catalyst for the change of the Korean welfare regime. In order to show how and what changed in Korean welfare regime, this study concentrates on the transformations of income maintenance programmes and social welfare services. The changed aspects are as follow: (1) The ratio of social expenditure to GDP has increased during 1990s and now stood at ten percent level. (2)Rather than backing up the company welfare, government strove to build and expand income maintenance devices for all citizens. (3) The poverty and inequality reduction effects of income maintenance programs are very weak in early 1990s, but they are gradually getting stronger impact on poverty and inequality. But, there are also continuance. (1) In spite of the relative development of income maintenance programs, social welfare services are still poorly designed as before. (2) The expenditure level of social welfare services shows sharp contrast to income maintenance programs and lagged behind the other OECD countries. (3) The expansion of social service sector employment are also not so salient. In 2002, social service employment is only at close to 2.5 per cent of the total employment. Accordingly, korean welfare regime is now characterized by a model which is to curb poverty and inequality by engaging in direct government provision of income maintenance programs, but refrain from expanding social service by relying on net welfare which encourage the provision of services within the family. A implication of our analysis is that the expansion of social welfare Korea saw after 1997 was not really an regime shift. According to the arguments of Peter Hall, first and second order changes in policy do not automatically lead to third order changes which imply regime shift. Policy changes which occurred during 1990s was not accompanied by a shift in policy paradigms. Family dependency in welfare is not yet changed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.391-406
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• 2024

The current distribution of digital news has the potential to produce politically biased information for users as a result of individual choices and media selection based on those choices. Consequently, this research explored the factors affecting individual news selection and the effects of opinion changes and political participation that can occur when news tailored to users' partisan preferences is recommended. The phenomenon of selective exposure has been shown to be stronger when individuals utilize more limited information processing, experience higher discussion efficacy among groups with similar political beliefs. Furthermore, When a selective exposure group was randomly provided with a one-way message news that matched their partisan leanings, it was found that opinion consolidation, opinion-reinforcing information processing, and online political participation. On the other hand, when they were randomly presented with two-way messaging news in which the media balanced two competing partisan positions, they were found to be more likely to understand the other side's views and arguments, and more willing to adjust their existing opinions. We are confirmed that the balanced use of various opinions is very important in deliberative democratic process.