• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.138
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• pp.10-10
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• 1993

국제정치의 논리와 구조, 한국외교정책의 현황.전망을 다루고 있는 이 책들은 외교정책 결정 과정에서의 내적요인에 대한 분석의 결여라는 한국 국제정치학의 한계를 극복한 것으로 평가된다. 국제정치학 주요이론을 소개.평가하고 구체분석도 행함으로써 이론과 실제를 잘 조망하고 있다.

• Science & Technology Policy
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• v.10 no.6 s.126
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• pp.83-87
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• 2000

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.157-184
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• 2018

The study has applied the four stage "Model of State Behavior in Crisis" to trace the post 9/11 crisis foreign policy decision making process in Pakistan. It argues that ominous attacks on the United States by al-Qaeda and subsequent declaration of President Bush to fight against terrorism transformed the global and regional politico-security dimensions at t1 stage. Being a neighboring country, Pakistan's support was inevitable in the war on terror and Washington applied coercive diplomacy to win the cooperation from Islamabad. Consequently, in case of decline to accept American demands, Pakistan perceived threat to basic values/objectives of the country and simultaneous time pressure amplified the psychological stress in decision makers at t2 stage. Therefore, the decisional forum was setup at t3 stage and Pakistan decided to join the United States at t4 stage, which defused the foreign policy crisis.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.111-135
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• 2024

This paper classifies the main directions of public diplomacy as 'sender-centered public diplomacy' and 'receiver-centered public diplomacy' and attempts to conceptualize them in the initial stage. In the process, the paper evaluates the specific cases and performance of 'receiver-centered public diplomacy' for posts uploaded by the U.S. Embassy in Seoul on SNS (Facebook) over the past year in 2021. Receiver-centered public diplomacy aims to win the favor of foreign citizens by introducing and experiencing the culture and specificity of the other country. As a result of the analysis, the U.S. Embassy in Seoul is striving to win the favor of the Korean people by directly introducing and experiencing Korean major issues and trends as well as Korean traditional culture such as kimchi and traditional liquor. Furthermore, it can be seen that the values and policies pursued by the United States are effectively promoted through this method. Korea's public diplomacy, which is still in the 'sender-centered', needs to establish a more effective strategy by referring to the case of the United States.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.5-38
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• 2018

A seismic change is under way in diplomatic topography surrounding the Korean Peninsula. A new dynamic is being generated that could lead to a breakthrough in the nuclear stalemate and to an end of hostility between the two Koreas. Moon Administration's bold and creative foreign policy, which is alleged to place South Korea in the "driver's seat", is probably responsible for what is happening on the Korean Peninsula. However, on the other hand, Moon Administration's foreign policy shows a lot of continuity with foreign policy of previous conservative governments. In particular, the Moon government's emphasis on the vitality of the ROK-US alliance and its commitment to close coordination with the US in dealing with nuclear issues of North Korea is the hallmark of the continuity in South Korea's foreign policy. Emphasizing and sharing the notion of the continuities in foreign policy could contribute to social integration by garnering bi-partisan support. It could also spawn sense of stability, predictability, and confidence to diplomatic counterparts in other countries. And it could help avoid the negative effects of expectation-reality gap in the event that the outcome of all the diplomatic endeavor falls short of expectation held by citizens.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.202-221
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• 2014

시진핑 시대를 맞이하여 중국은 국제사회에서 높아진 중국의 위상에 부응하는 지위와 권한을 인정받을 수 있는 외교정책으로서 최소한의 요구조건이 바로 핵심 이익(Core interests)을 지켜내는 것이며 이와 관련하여 국정목표로 '중국의 꿈'의 실현을 제시했다. 이에 따라 중국은 해양 분야에서 해양강국의 특징으로 다음 네 가지를 들고 있다. 첫째는 해양 경제 발전이며, 둘째는 해양 과학기술의 혁신, 셋째는 우아하고 아름다운 해양생태환경 조성, 넷째는 해양 방위능력을 중강하여 국가주권을 효과적으로 방위하고 해양의 평화발전을 수호하는 강력한 실력을 갖추는 것이다. 작금의 정세에서 보여지듯이 중국은 서해를 비롯하여 동·남중국해에서 매우 도전적인 해양활동을 보이고 있다. 이는 그동안 미국의 지역에 안정과 평화를 유지하기 위해 군사력을 주둔시켜 온 미국의 동아시아 해상정책에 대한 도전으로도 인식되기에 충분하다. 그렇다면 이에 대한 미국의 역할은 무엇인가. 필자는 다음 네 가지를 주장한다. 첫째, 더 좋은 상황 조성을 위해 역할 한다. 둘째, 모든 문제에 대해 방관자적인 입장에 선다. 셋째, 중국에 대해 보다 강경한 입장을 취한다. 넷째, 현상유지를 위해 노력한다.

• Science & Technology Policy
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• v.8 no.8 s.113
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• pp.39-51
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• 1998

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.159-179
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• 2013

This study traces the evolution of the compilation of foreign relations of the United States series and analyzes its archival issues from its historical development. The study examines the purposes of publishing the compilations of the diplomatic documents, an issue of making a balance between secrecy for national security and accountability of diplomacy, neutrality in compiling historical materials, and methods and principles of the compilation. To analyze these records issues, the study examines the contents and contexts of the compilation, historical evolution of the compilation, and the political and records issues of the compilation in the U.S. political history. The declassification issue for the historical compilation was also examined because the issue was a major obstacle to the timely publication of FRUS.

• American Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.57-97
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• 2019

This study seeks to reveal why the U.S. House Democrats showed different levels of support in the voting of the U.S.-Morocco FTA, U.S.-Bahrain FTA, and U.S.-Oman FTA. Existing studies focusing on the constituency or members' ideology do not properly account for the variance of these three FTA voting results. All of these FTAs, however, were promoted as a part of the president's foreign policies. If so, FTA support in Congress could depend on representatives' evaluation of the presidential foreign policy. Based on this, the study analyzes how representatives' evaluation of President Bush's foreign policy changed according to the period of the three FTA votes. The vote on the FTAs has been influenced by their evaluation of the presidential foreign and national security policies.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.41-70
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• 2021

US Northeast Asia Policy will show the following changes and continuities with the transition from the Trump administration to the Biden administration. As the Biden administration adheres to traditional principles and norms of US foreign policy, there will be more stability and predictability. The US-China confrontation is likely to become more serious, as President Biden will continue the hawkish China policy Trump initiated. Regarding North Korea, the Biden administration is expected to adopt a more conservative 'bottom-up' approach rather than a 'grand bargain' that Trump pursued. Due to many policymakers holding deep suspicions about the North Korean regime, any diplomatic breakthrough with North Korea is unlikely to occur soon. As for South Korea and Japan, Biden will show more respect to these key allies but may also demand them to contribute more to US-led initiatives countering China.