• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.63-67
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• 2017

With the rise of China, the power and hegemony is moving to China in East Asia. The foreign policy of the China government is directly or indirectly affecting Korea, neighboring countries and the world. China is advocating a new international policy, a new security system, silk road policy and a new paradigm. China is a newly emerging powerful nation in Asia, and it is clear that China has the economic power to reestablish the Asian order and take over the hegemony. In addition, we want to run the world supremacy with the United States in political, economic, military and diplomatic sectors. In order to overcome the crisis of the Korean peninsula, which is being triggered by North Korea's nuclear and missile development, we are in the position to do our best to cooperate with Korea, the United States and Japan and further improve relations with China. In this study, I analyzed the policy of Southeast Asia and China macroscopically.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.117-154
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to verify the practical validity of financial sanctions, which has recently emerged as the most powerful form of economic sanctions preferred by U.S. foreign policy tool. Based on the theoretical discussion, analyse this study the trend of de-dollarization appearing in connection with financial sanctions and argue that the effectiveness of financial sanctions erode the dollar financial hegemony, which is the source of its power can be degraded, so that its effectiveness could not be so great as most people likely think about. After World War II, there has been an increasing tendency in the international community to favor economic sanctions over the use of military force as an effective means of foreign policy. Among these economic sanctions, a distinct feature that has recently appeared is the remarkable increase in the frequency of use of financial sanctions. The country that favors financial sanctions most is the United States. The reason is that they believe that the power of their own dollar financial hegemony can exert deadly pressure on other countries. Financial sanctions favored by the United States are said to have increased the effectiveness of sanctions by upgrading the pressure of sanctions to the next level. Nevertheless, financial sanctions have a side that underestimates the cost. This problem is found in the signs that the backlash from not only countries subject to financial sanctions but also many countries with interests in these countries is leading to a tendency to de-dollarization. This study will try to see how likely this de-dollarization trend is to offset the effectiveness of financial sanctions.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.151-182
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• 2019

Rise of China has correspondingly seen increased Chinese involvement at global stage and regional levels in different parts of the world. This has attracted claims of strategic competition and rivalry between China and U.S., as China is said to be working towards replacing hitherto U.S. influence. Consequently there have been calls for U.S. to counter increased Chinese involvement to safeguard U.S. influences and interests. This study aims to contribute to this debate by examining the extent to which increased Chinese involvement in Africa has, if any, supplanted U.S. strategic interests in the continent. The study contends that, Chinese involvement in Africa has entailed China creating own niche that does not necessary threaten U.S. interests in the continent as widely portrayed and imagined. This is premised on the fact that, U.S. has historically had relatively minimal strategic interests in Africa as compared to other more strategic parts of the world that China could significantly threaten. Seen in this way, increased Chinese penetration in Africa has not had immediate threats to U.S. core strategic interests, thus explaining U.S. measured response to counter Chinese presence in Africa.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.31-76
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• 2018

This article explores why the two Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam and the Philippines, choose different strategies to cope with the Chinese threat. Despite the evident Chinese threat in the South China Sea, Vietnam has not meaningfully expanded the military cooperation with the United States, whereas the Philippines, ironically, has distanced itself with its ally, the United States. Existing studies on the topic does not offer a satisfactory explanation. We assign that two cases are examples of "underbalancing" - the failure of balancing even though there is an evident threat. Furthermore, we demonstrate the difference between cases of the Philippines and Vietnam by arguing that the number of veto players affects the outcome of foreign policy, underbalancing of two countries. The Philippines has only one veto player, the president, hence its response to external threats is incoherent. On the other hand, the number of veto players in Vietnam is more than one and those players demand negotiation among them on the matter of foreign policy. Upon analyses on two cases we argue that the former is the case of underbalancing caused by a lack of policy stability, while the latter is the case of underbalancing caused by a lack of policy responsiveness.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2012.05a
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• pp.122-122
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• 2012

본 연구의 목적은 한국형 녹색성장 협력 모델을 기반으로 한국의 대(對) 메콩지역 진출 방안을 모색하는 것이다. 메콩 유역은 중국의 운남성 지방, 미얀마, 라오스, 태국, 캄보디아, 베트남 등 6개국이 위치하고 있는데 이 지역은 세계 경제 침체에도 불구하고 높은 경제 성장률을 달성하고 있다. 이에 따라 세계 각국이 개발사업 선점을 위한 치열한 경쟁을 벌이고 있으며 일본, 미국, 중국이 발 빠르게 영향력을 확장하고 있다. 한국은 지난해 메콩 5개국의 외교장관을 서울로 초청하여 회담을 개최하여 메콩 지역 진출의 교두보를 마련하였으나 최근 세계 각국이 메콩 지역의 개발사업 진출을 위해 적극적으로 노력하고 있는 상황에서 선진국과 차별적인 경쟁우위를 살릴 수 있는 방안의 모색이 필요하다. 따라서 본 연구는 2008년 이명박 정부가 제시한 신성장 패러다임인 녹색성장 모델과, 물관리 정책과 사업을 접목시킨 물과 녹색성장 공적개발원조 및 무나싱해(Munasinghe)의 지속가능한 경제(Sustainomics)가설을 이론적으로 고찰하여 대(對) 메콩유역 협력 방안 모델을 설계하였다. 이 지역이 급속한 경제 성장으로 전력수요가 증가하고 있고, 환경오염에 대한 우려를 잠식시키고 국가의 에너지 안보를 위해 높은 수입 석유 의존율을 낮춰야한다는 점 등을 고려해보았을 때 메콩 유역의 수력발전이 이 지역의 녹색성장을 위한 큰 동력이 될 수 있을 것으로 사료된다. 뿐만 아니라 홍수방재 효과, 전력 수출로 인한 소득 창출은 이 지역의 사회발전으로 이어질 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 그러므로 본 연구는 자금조달 방식, 외교적 접근, 기술적 접근, 제도적 접근 방식을 제시하여 단계적으로 대(對) 메콩유역 한국형 물과 녹생성장 ODA의 나아가야 할 방향을 모색해 보았다. 제시된 협력 모델을 기반으로 점차 한국이 메콩 유역의 수력발전산업으로 진출하고 더 나아가 이지역의 영향력을 확대하는 데 큰 도움이 될 것으로 사료된다.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.24
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• pp.1-31
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• 2010

This article aims to identify organizational factors that influence the performance of implementation of the U.S. Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and to investigate the strength and direction of their effects. Explanatory variables include administrative resources, organizational culture, litigation cost, and the complexity of FOIA requests. The study will analyze quantitative secondary data from official statistics of federal agencies and the 2006 Federal Human Capital Survey as well as qualitative data from semi-structured interviews of FOIA officers. The results of statistical analyses are as follows : FOIA funding significantly affects median processing time and number of requests pending. There is a significant relationship between bureaucratic culture and number of requests pending, but not between bureaucratic culture and number of requests pending. There exists a significant relationship between the cost of FOIA litigation to federal agencies and the performance of FOIA implementation. There exists a significant relationship between the complexity of FOIA requests and the performance of FOIA implementation. This study also has important implication in South Korea, which has been under a sharp confrontation with North Korea for more than 50 years. As illustrated by the conflict between people's right to know and national security during the investigation of recent Sinking of the ROKS Cheonan, efforts should be made to prepare legal and institutional mechanism for freedom of information policy which can maintain a balance between conflicting values as well as efficient information disclosure in Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.205-248
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• 2008

There emerges a growing concern about South Korea's intellectual dependence on U.S. financial news media. However, those media's inherent relationship with national economic and financial interests has been poorly addressed. This paper thus attempts to identify such a strategic partnership between media and the government by analysing news coverages over four critical arena interwoven with U.S. dollar based financial system. For this purpose, total 152 news articles about Asia crisis, Asian Monetary Fund, Malaysia currency crisis and the new international financial architecture have been examined in terms of frame, attitude, cue-givers and discursive strategies. Research results indicate that not only have the media actively deferred to government leadership bur they have also acted as public diplomats in way of not hampering journalistic credibility. Hence, it is claimed that Korean society needs to formulate a model of media's strategic partnership with government at least in foreign policy arena, as well as to launch discursive strategies against nation-bound global news media.

• Maritime Security
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.83-107
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• 2023

To Republic of Korea in the Indo-Pacific region, the stability and prosperity of the area are directly coupled with national survival, interest. Currently, on account of strategic competition between U.S.A, and China in this area as well as supranational·non-conventional threats, the security environment is unstable, required joint/allied responses. So, lots of states inside(U.S.A., Japan, ASEAN, etc.), also, out of this Indo-Pacific area like EU-NATO, open their own strategy related in Indo-Pacific issues to be involved. R.O.K. government took its own line with publishing self strategy following this international trend, it can be shown korean government's strong intend to join in the pending security issues in this region with 'strategic clarity'. Now, R.O.K. Navy has to back up governments, policy. First, R.O.K. Navy should strengthen the relationship inside and take part in the multilateral cooperation of security. Second, to convey this deterrence message to potential threats, Navy is required to show of forces and have combined exercises. Also, as naval forces of advanced countries, Korea, Navy should be taken action in non-traditional threats, and help developing states improve their sea power. To fulfill this tasks in the wide ocean area, Navy need five inherent characteristics(mobility, flexibility, sustainability, capability of presence and projection). In the end, this paper propose the development plan following operational environment (SWOT) analysis as well.

• Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.21-35
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• 2020

Due to the coronavirus pandemic and diplomatic disputes, governments are actively developing a policy to revitalize·reshore manufacturing and to diversify international cooperations. In order to develop such a policy, it is very important to compare and analyze domestic·international geospatial information. Over the decade, the US·EC governments have conducted a series of national researches to build data-based tools that can monitor·analyze regional geospatial information driven by government R&D investments. In the case of the EC system, it can compare geospatial information in domestic and international(including Korea) regions. Compared to US·EC cases, Korean examples of national researches with available data analplatform need future improvements. Current study is investigating an automated analysis methodologies using "National Institute of Science and Technology Information (NTIS)" DB, which was national security data until recently. Research on data-mining regional geospatial information can contribute to support policy fields that need to discover new issues in response to unexpected social problems such as recently faced corona and trade disputes.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.135-160
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• 2018

This study aims to predict the likely effect of economic sanctions on North Korea by examining case studies of Iran and Iraq. While UN sanctions against Iraq had immediate negative consequences for society, such as causing famine and reinforcing the authoritarian regime, sanctions against Iran had some productive consequences after they were reinforced by the U.S. and EU in significantly reduced oil exports and government expenditure, which in turn led to regime change and willingness to negotiate nuclear programs for economic recovery. Apart from these distinct differences, sanctions in both countries caused high inflation, shortage of necessary supplies, and increased unemployment. Case studies of Iran and Iraq also reveal that the sanctions disproportionately affected women and children, which implies that the recently reinforced economic sanctions of the U.S. and China against North Korea will cause more suffering of similarly socially marginalized groups in North Korea.