• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.27
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• pp.267-361
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• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.257-301
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• 2018

The purpose of the study is to examine righteous army activity and combat in Hapcheon during the Imjin invasion period. The resulting conclusions are as follows. First, Chung In-hong raised a righteous army in Hapcheon and Kim Myeon raised an army in Goryeong. Chung In-hong commanded the army and fought against Japanese army with a leadership of knowing the enemy and himself, and Kim Myeon commanded the army and fought against Japanese military with a leadership of harmony. Second, battles of Chung In-hong's righteous army are the first Mugye battle, the ambush battle in Sawon-dong, the Chogye Majin battle, the Aneon battle, and the third Seongju Castle battle. Battles of Kim Myeon's righteous army are the Yeongang battle, the Gaesanpo battle, the second Mugye battle, the Ucheok-hyeon battle, the Jirye battle, and the Sarangam battle. Battles that Chung In-hong and Kim Myeon united and fought are the first and second Seongju Castle battles. In Jeongyu Jaeran, Chung In-hong played a role of Jodosa who takes charge of provisions in the right area of Gyeongsang. In addition, Hapcheon was the access road and transport route where Japanese army entered Jeolla-do. Third, participation and role of Ming troops are part of restraint device against Japanese army with military tactics of ii chei(using foreigners to control foreigners) to remove Japanese army from Joseon and defend Yodong. After a victory of Li Rusong in Pyeongyang Castle in January, 1593(the 26th year of Seongjo), Ming troops pursued practical interest through peace talks rather than active battles. When there was practically Siege of Jinju, Yujeong troops of Ming entered with hand-to-hand martial arts of Sacheon soldiers in late June, 1593, but did not participate because they should wait for orders of Gyeongnyak Song Eung-chang and Admiral Li Rusong. Fourth, in the Imjin invasion period, Joseon suffered terrible damage such as ruin of the whole country by invasion of Japanese army and in need of aid of military rice from Ming troops, but righteous armies and the royal forces in each area cooperated so defeated Japanese army. It is understood through a case of Hapcheon in the right area of Gyeongsang. Especially, Joseon did not succumb to pressure of Ming troops that used full powers to two aspects such as settlement and battle with Japan during the war, and did not lose national confidence and pride by showing a fighting will to fight against Japanese army to the end with independence. Such a spiritual culture originated from homeland protection and loyalty to the king, and is national spirit of resistance that sublimates the united mind and spirit of community to protect a country against foreign invasion.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.153-184
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• 2017

During the Pre-Qin(秦) Dynasty era, there were the records that there had been many calendar systems, such as $g{\check{u}}-li{\grave{u}}-l{\grave{i}}$(古六曆 : six ancient calendar systems). Then, the fact that particularly $zh{\bar{o}}u-l{\grave{i}}$(周曆) and $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) were mainly discussed among them resulted from a lot of discussions from the differences in the calendar system in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)" known to have been written by Confucius from the calendar system in "$X{\acute{i}}ng-xi{\grave{a}}-zh{\bar{i}}-sh{\acute{i}}$(行夏之時 : implement the calendar of Ha dynasty.)" that Confucius mentioned himself to his disciple. $zh{\bar{o}}u-l{\grave{i}}$(周曆) with $d{\bar{o}}ngzh{\grave{i}}-yu{\grave{e}}$(冬至月 : the 11th month of the lunar calendar) as the first month of a year had the system of the lunar calendar, and $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) called as the calendar of Ha(夏) dynasty had the system of $ji{\acute{e}}-q{\grave{i}}-l{\grave{i}}$(節氣曆 : a kind of the solar calendar that divides one year of 365 days into 24 solar terms) with $y{\acute{i}}n-yu{\grave{e}}$(寅月 :one month from the present Feb 5) as the first month of a year. These two calendars had definite differences in the first months of a year, names of seasons, and the lunar calendar and the solar calendar. The fundamental reason why Confucius recommended the performance of $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) as a way to run the nation was not that it started from the philosophical view of the universe that among the 'three $zh{\bar{e}}ng$'(三正)' of $ti{\bar{a}}n-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(天正 : the first month of a year with the heaven as the standard), $d{\grave{i}}-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(地正 : the first month of a year with the earth as the standard) and $r{\acute{e}}n-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(人正 : the first month of a year with humans as the standard), but that he wanted to emphasize the importance of practical national economic policies to enhance agricultural productivity. It becomes the criterion that even though Confucius emphasized that politicians should not have moral flaws ideally, with regard to public policies, he wanted to stress politicians' duties based on the reality a lot.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.215-240
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• 2018

In this paper, the contents about funeral rites in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial"(儀禮) were compared to those in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. The most direct and systematic document related to funeral rites is "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Some of its contents had been reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, such as "Zuo Zhuan", "Mozi" and "Xunzi", while others didn't agree with one another. It happened because some contents had been already reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought in the process of establishing scriptures about manners including the ancient "Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial", and because, on the contrary, the contents of the books of Hundred Schools of Thought had become included in the scriptures about manners by following Confucianism. First, the basic contents of Chapter 'Mourning Clothes' in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" were generally reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, and there are many contents in common. Most prominently, three-year-mourning for parents and a king had been enhanced in Confucianism commonly. Although Mohism opposed Confucian luxurious and long funerals (厚葬久喪), the mourning clothing system in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" can be said to have been people's universal understanding until the Spring and Autumn period at least. In addition, it has been verified that there were differences in the mourning clothes depending on the one who wore them was an adult or not both in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. On the other hand, many arguments in the contents about funeral rites reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought were different from the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". In particular, the mourning clothes for parents reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought showed that there were differences depending on social positions, which was dissimilar to the regulations in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Also, different from the mourning clothes system for parents and a king, the system for a wife and a concubine was dissimilar to the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" in many ways. Since the regulations of Chapter of 'Mourning Clothes' in the present version of "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" suggest different mourning clothes and periods depending on who wears the mourning clothes and what social position the deceased had, it seems difficult to implement them strictly historically as well as at those times. Especially, while the funeral rituals for a child was relatively clear based on the parent-child relationship of "affection" and those for a king and parents were plainly regulated and emphasized, the rules of those for a vassal and a wife were absent or ambiguous in many cases. Therefore, the term of "the Theee Bonds"(三綱) appeared first in Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒)'s "Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals"(春秋繁露) that reflected the ideology of political ethics of Han Dynasty(漢代), but regarding its contents, it can be said to have been already reflected in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial".

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.319-352
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• 2013

This paper aims to compare Liang Shu-Ming and Lee Don-Hwa's perceptions of modernization and the philosophical grounds of their perceptions during the New Cultural Movement period in Korea and China. Although Liang and Lee had different levels of enthusiasm towards New Cultural Movement, they shared many commonalities in their attitudes to Western modernization and their philosophical justifications for such attitudes. Liang Shu-Ming not only held positive views of Western modernization, but also examined the spiritual dynamics contributing to the development in science and democracy in Western countries. By analyzing the three fundamental questions of life, three kinds of human attitudes toward life, three types of culture derived from human attitudes, and the recapitulation theory, Liang systematically reviewed the spiritual dimension of Western modernization. Liang defined the spirit of Western modernization as a calculative rationality based on egoism and the separation of Self and Other. Such a statement demonstrates Liang's keen insights towards Western modernization. Meanwhile, although Lee Don-Hwa basically held positive views of Western modernization, from the beginning, he pointed out the problems with Western modernization and attempted to overcome these problems by employing the "human is heaven" doctrine of Cheondogyo. While Lee embraced modern science and the theory of evolution, he also insisted on the legitimacy of mysticism and the compatibility of the creation theory of Cheondogyo and the theory of evolution. Although Lee employed the concepts in Western philosophy of life, he also emphasized the interdependence, reciprocal relationship, and connectedness between Self and Other from the perspective of Cheodogyo doctrine. From the fact that Lee Don-Hwa transcended the modernization theory when he was applying it to answer questions, it seemed that Lee preceded Liang Shu-Ming. Nevertheless, Lee did not demonstrate the keen insight into the spiritual dimension of Western modernization, and his criticism against Western modernization did not touch upon the problem of rationality as Liang did.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.173-208
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• 2017

This study sorted out the political methods of the typical shell-and-bone inscriptions during early Western Zhou, the shapes and arrangements of Chan, Chak, and Jak, and the characteristics and description methods of shell-and-bone characters and also investigated the formation backgrounds and changing patterns of shell-and-bone inscriptions with a focus on the transmitted literature and actual shell-and-bone inscriptions. First, the transmitted literature contained records saying that Gogongdanbu told fortunes by burning tortoise shells during Proto-Zhou, but no Bokgap from those days had been excavated yet. The content of the divination focused on the periods of Kings Wen, Wu, and Cheng of Zhou, and the shell-and-bone characters of Juwon contained much content about Jugong those days. Second, there were some differences in the processing methods between Bokgap and Bokgol, but their origin could basically be found in the Joyeongjang form during middle Shang. In addition, it was found that they directly accepted the Bukchon type of Seomseo during late Shang and the divination method of the Proto-Zhou culture. Third, all of Bokgaps had a set of square Chan and rectangular Chak installed on the back, whereas all of Bokgols had a set of circular Chan and vertically thin Chak and were in the shape of a cat's eye. In terms of the Chan, Chak, and Jak arrangement, the Bokgaps were similar to those of Yinxu during late Shang, whereas the Bokgols had the characteristics of the Joyeongjang type during middle Shang. Finally, there were differences in the description methods of shell-and-bone characters according to the arrangement methods of shell-and-bone inscriptions. Some rules were found according to each of the parts. Bokgaps were placed horizontally so that Gapsu would face sideways. The middle sections of Bokgols were mostly placed horizontally with the Byeongbu and Seonbu facing downwards at Golgu to write downwards from right to left. This method was estimated to have something to do with "Sigo" in the divination process in The Rites of Zhou. It was inferred that the perceptions of divination changed in the process of arranging the rites and music institutions during early Western Zhou.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.1-38
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• 2022

The aim of this research is to discover the value of peace conveyed by Haewon Sangsaeng, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence, as espoused by Holy Teacher Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山, 1871~1909) and to evaluate its modern significance. To the faithful, Jeungsan is seen as the Supreme God who descended into the world in the Late Joseon Dynasty in the year 1871. Until the time of His passing away into Heaven in 1909, He vastly saved the world and fulfilled the hopes of humankind by carrying out the fundamentally innovative Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (1901~1909) in the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. He has thereby been appraised as a great religious figure within religious and academic circles. Jeungsan's ideological contributions can be summarized into two main points. One is the concept of 'the Great Opening and the Later World,' which foreshadowed the liquidation of the old system of order and the arrival of a new world. The other contribution is the concept of 'the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence,' a fundamental principle meant to achieve human salvation and world peace. In this context, 'the Great Opening' is precisely a 'positivistic religious expression of peace,' and 'the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence' is the principle by which 'peace can be achieved in the world for all humankind.' In particular, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is a tenet within the doctrine of Daesoon Jinrihoe, and it is the main concept that forms the basis of Daesoon Thought. It can be said to be the core current that flows through Jeungsan's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. Nowadays, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is being discussed and cited in various ways in academic fields as well as in discourse on coexistence, mutual beneficence, and peace. The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is specifically based on observations of the structure of conflicts as observed throughout world history via global conflicts, regional conflicts, cultural conflicts, ideological conflicts, class conflicts, generational conflicts, racial conflicts, religious conflicts, and other such conflicts. That is why the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is discussed in depth within academic settings wherein the nature of conflict-resolution is examined. Looking at the previous studies on this topic, those studies tended to focus on key concepts or concerns such as human beings, divine beings, the earthly paradise of the Later World, ideal societies, world peace, new principles of order, and lasting peace. In particular, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence has been presented as directly related to concepts such as love, coexistence, harmony, and peace for humankind and the world. Its significance has been applied to ethics, philosophy, order, and principles, and it has been understood as conveying values such as peace. Accordingly, this paper examines the ideological connections to the succession and establishment of Jeungsan's notion of the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence based on previous research, but further examines the value of peace communicated via the principles and ideas that pervade current discourse on the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence. I hope to thoroughly explore Haewon Sangsaeng in regards to its modern significance to the world and to humankind.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.243-277
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• 2020

This paper examines a social and cultural history of horror films through the keyword "technology", focusing on The Spark of Fear: Technology, Society and the Horror Film (2015) written by Brian N. Duchaney. Science fiction film is closely connected with technology in film genres. On the other hand, horror films have been explained in terms of nature/supernatural. In this regard, The Spark of Fear, which accounts for horror film history as (re)actions to the development of technology, is remarkable. Early horror films which were produced under the influence of gothic novels reflected the fear of technology that had been caused by industrial capitalism. For example, in the film Frankenstein (1931), an angry crowd of people lynch the "monster", the creature of technology. This is the action which is aroused by the fear of technology. Furthermore, this mob behavior is suggestive of an uprising of people who have been alienated by industrial capitalism during the Great Depression. In science fiction horror films, which appeared in the post-war boom, the "other" that manifests as aliens is the entity that destroys the value of prosperity during post-war America. While this prosperity is closely related to the life of the middle class in accordance with the suburbanization, the people live conformist lives under the mantle of technologies such as the TV, refrigerator, etc. In the age of the Vietnam War, horror films demonize children, the counter-culture generation against a backdrop of the house that is the place of isolation and confinement. In this place, horror arises from the absolute absence of technology. While media such as videos, internet, and smartphones have reinforced interconnectedness with the outside world since the 1980s, it became another outside influence that we cannot control. "Found-footage" and "torture porn" which were rife in post-9/11 horror films show that the technologies of voyeurism/surveillance and exposure/exhibitionism are near to saturation. In this way, The Spark of Fear provides an opportune insight into the present day in which the expectation and fear of the progress of technology are increasingly becoming inseparable from our daily lives.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.39-61
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• 2009

Numerous Researches on the Buddhist perspective of Wonhyo agree that the Mind is the core principle of Wonhyo's Buddihist perspective. Based on prior research, this paper identifies the philosophy of Mind-only(vijñaptimātratā) in the broader perspective, that is, "Mind is the first principle of the existence", as the core thought of Wonhyo. The objective of this paper is to reorganize the systematic theories of consciousness, one of the principle sectors of Wonhyo's philosophy of vijñaptimātratā. One can find most systematic texts of consciousness of Wonhyo in 『GiSilRonSo』 and 『GiSilRonByeolGi』. Although 『GeumGang SamMaeGyeongRon』 includes some interpretations of consciousness, it is difficult to formulate a consistent structure based on it. Beside tā.JangEui』, which discusses the meaning of vijñaptimātratā centering around affliction, Wonhyo's opinion about important issues of vijñaptimātratā philosophy such as ālayavijñāna, permeation, bījadharma, and aspects of perception appears in fragments. Thus, this paper focuses on 『GiSilRonSo』 and 『GiSilRon ByeolGi』, Wonhyo's interpretation of 『Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith』(大乘起信論), as well as 『IJangEui』, 『PanBiRyangRon』 and 『Geum GangSamMaeGyeongRon』. The researcher examines how one-mind, tathāgatagarbha, and ālayavijñāna become the principles of 'neither arising nor ceasing'(不生滅) and 'arising and ceasing'(生滅) of all beings. The process of how one-mind develops mind in terms of the Absolute(心眞如門) and mind in terms of Phenomena(心生滅門) and its ontological structure are also investigated. In addition, the philosophical significance of Wonhyo's interpretation of tathāgatagarbha and ālayavijñāna analyzed. Besides, the method how various theories about vijñāna from Tathāgatagarbha's and Yogācāra's philosophy can be synthesized is examined based on Wonhyo's arguments. The four aspects of existence(caturākāra 四相) -arising(生), abiding(住), changing(異), and ceasing(滅)- which is transformed according to stages and dimensions of 'arising and ceasing', and phases of mind such as delusion of three fine states(三細) and six rough states(六麤), five consciousness(五意), and six defiled states(六染) are interpreted based on Tathāgatagarbha's and Yogācāra's philosophical system.