• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.447-467
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• 2009

Lakoff's (2002) 'nation-as-family' metaphor suggests that conservatism and liberalism in the United States are based respectively on two different sets of morality, i.e., "strict father" morality and "nurturant parents" morality. He argues that values associated with respective metaphors and political principles derived from them tend to determine certain political attitudes and policy endorsement. Using the priming technique, this study attempted to examine whether "strict father" and "nurturant parents" morality are indeed what underlie very different positions conservatives and liberals take towards people in need. The results supported the Lakoff's idea and demonstrated that, compared to priming "nurturant parents" morality, priming "strict father" morality actually led people to derogate character of those in need and to attribute more responsibility onto them for their economic predicament. This research leads us to reconsider what constitutes politically conservative and liberal attitudes and emphasizes the malleability of political attitudes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.277-304
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• 2005

The review of the literature shows that analysts tend to follow two approaches in their investigation of the differences in terms of the development of welfare state. The first approach focused on the logic of industrialization. In this account, technological and structural changes rather than political choices of ideological preferences and culture create the conditions for the emergence of welfare state. The second approach emphasizes the importance of the growth of unionization for the development of welfare state. However, this study analyses the development of welfare state by using cultural theory developed by Mary Douglas. Culture theory has a specific point of departure : the grid-group typology proposed by Mary Douglas. Group refers to the extent to which an individual is incorporated into bounded units. Grid denotes the degree to which an individual's life is circumscribed by externally imposed prescriptions. Hierarchical culture (high grid-high group) favors social conservatism, giving government the right to intervene in matters of social institutions. Germany and Japan belong to this culture. Individualistic culture (low grid-low group) reluctant to develop social insurance programs. Individuals who are bound by neither group incorporation nor prescribed roles inhabit an individualistic social context. Great Britain and the United Sates of America belong to this culture. Egalitarian culture (low grid-high group) prefer to develop social insurance program. Strong group boundaries couples with minimal prescriptions produce social relations that are egalitarian. Sweden belong to this culture.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.87-108
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• 2013

With questionnaires conducted for 613 adult Koreans in Seoul, the present study examined how their social features (income level, political party identification, political values, values of capitalism and egalitarianism) exercise influence on attitudes toward income polarization and their evaluation of government policies. Two groups of participants (high vs. low) for each social feature were formed first. Then their attitudes toward income polarization (liberal vs. conservative) and evaluations of policies (liberal vs. conservative) exercised by government (Participatory vs. Practical) were compared. Results indicated that liberal value was strengthened by liberal value, anti-capitalistic, and conservative value was strengthened by egalitarian values, and party identification. It was also found that party identification partial effect on the judgment of policies exercised by Participatory Government. These findings were discussed in terms of their implications for Korean society and measures for communication constructive for settlement of income polarization were suggested.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.27
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• pp.31-57
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• 2012

The 19th century could not relatively receive attention from local researchers because it was treated as the past cut off from the present as the formative period of modern states of Latin America. According to the characteristics of area studies which focus on changes of politics and society, studies on past affairs could not have been the main focus of attention. But as new liberalism has appeared in Latin America, is throwing the spotlight on liberalism. In addition, the studies on the 19th century have been activated and gradually expanded. And interpretation about the 19th century's history has been variously arranged. Especially, discussion on liberalism and conservatism was established as the key words which can understand and reconsider Latin America in the 19th century. Colombian liberalism which could not overcome heritage of the colonial period in the 19th century and did appear advocating reformation was another form of authoritarianism. Reformation promoted by liberalism was utilized to keep privilege of the ruling class, not to remove the social and economic structure derived from the colonial period. New reformist forces which advocated mercantilism after the middle of the 19th century but they were formed based on the existing system. Colombian Liberal Party was developed as "Another name of conservatization" by reflecting understanding of the conservatives. Colombian liberalists preferred federalism to cut off from repressive characteristics of Spanish colonial rule and secure autonomy of local control through reformation based on economic understanding. Therefore, discussion on the form of government which focused on federalism and centralism acted as the causes of conflict between Colombian liberalism and conservatism. Based on this point, this study tries to analyze liberalism reforms which is the main issue in the Colombian history in the 19th century and consider history of Colombian political conflicts focusing on federalism. The origin of Violencia which is the political violence and Colombian history in the 19th century which has been a series of rebellion can be considered through this procedure.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.456-466
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• 2014

This is a study of George Lindbeck's postliberalism that views religion as a cultural-linguistic approach. Knowing that the conceptual-propositional approach of the traditional Christian theology and the experiential-expressive approach of liberalism cannot be a solution for the post-modem religious phenomenon, George Lindbeck proposes an alternative. He proposes a cultural-linguistic approach to overcome the previous approaches. The first insight of Lindbeck's postliberalism is to understand religion as culture or language, because human beings become acquainted with a religion as they learn a language. The second insight comes out of the first, to understand doctrine as grammar. If we understand religion and doctrine this way the troubles and conflicts among religions will be resolved naturally, because each religion can be interpreted in its own system just as a language cannot be said to be good or bad, right or wrong. This approach makes several contributions as follows: it promotes a dialogue among religions, it emphasizes practice; and it preserves the Bible as an authoritative theological text. However it also brings many limitations as follows: it emphasizes the church's interpretation rather than the text's own interpretation; it views the truth simply as coherence; it promotes radical relativism and elitism; and through theological eschatology he makes his theory return to a propositionalism. Accordingly, the researcher concludes that Lindbeck's cultural-linguistic theory of religion is not an alternative that overcomes the limitations of theological conservativism and liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.7-36
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• 2002

This study is concerned with analysing complexity, flexibility and dynamism of social discoursive space. The developmental process of social discourse is analogous to that of a spatial structure of social discourse. Post-capitalist society has seen New-Liberalism and New-Conservatism have become dominant, resulting in the deterioration of the cultural politics of citizenship. It is argued that the position of otherness, in which those binary structures (inside/outside or centre/margin) collide and collapse, is where subversive discourse can emerge to dominant discursive power. Furthermore, it is necessary to democratize social discursive space, through which the Other becomes able to. participate in the social production, distribution and consumption of social discourse.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.97
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• pp.5-31
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• 2012

Confucius has been viewed as a conservative thinker. Quite a few scholars even argued that it was Confucius who laid the foundations stone of the conservative tradition of Chinese politics. No matter how one defines "conservatism," it seems clear that the relevant passages in the Analects support such interpretation. However, Lothar von Falkenhausen, an archeologist, recently argued that what Confucius upheld as venerable tradition was not a distant past but Confucius own times. This paper attempts to resolve the contradiction between the archeological evidence of Falkenhausen's claim and the textual evidence of the Analects through closer reading of the evidence.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.55-91
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• 2021

This article dealing with the political participation of Argentine Conservative Protestants tried to examine the effect of such political participation on democratic values and order. To this end, it focused on the subject of religious equality and freedom, and issues of same-sex marriage and sex education. First, the demands of the Protestants, who insisted on the equal treatment of all religions by correcting the religious discrimination policies, a legacy of the colonial era and the military regime, are very natural and self-evident, when we presuppose the value of a democratic society based on political equality and human rights. It can be said that it has contributed to the democratization of society by aiming to solve the old problems of society. But when it comes to same-sex marriage and sex education, things are quite different. Without considering the social situations of the socially disadvantaged or minorities, or the legislative purpose of defending their rights, they insist on only their teachings of scriptures or ethics, even within Protestantism, there is a disagreement on interpretation. These theocratic views and exclusivist attitudes can seriously infringe on the human rights or freedoms of people of different religions, or different choices about marriage or sexuality, among other things. It can be a serious threat to democratic order and values.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.311-344
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• 2010

Over 100 years in Mainland China, the 'traditional' thought and culture have been transformed from 'the past must be sublated' to 'the heritage must be preserved.' Today, China hopes to deal with the negative effects of industrial development such as the gap between rich and poor, and the absence of common values etc. through the reconstruction of traditional thought and culture, especially that of Confucianism. The Chinese government superficially accepts Confucianism for the purpose of the social stabilization and ongoing economic development while they keep the Socialism as the nation's ideological system. In the private sectors, there is endeavoring move to make the Chinese traditional thought and culture global paralleled to their economic growth. There are also scholars who find the cultural unification and the spiritual comfort from the restoration of the traditional thought and culture. They, so called 'the critical successionists' or 'the cultural conservativists,' believe that the traditional thought and culture could play a role in the Chinese modernization, and the new understanding and interpretation of their tradition could provide an alternative for their future. In my view, we need a careful survey on the view of the critical successionists or the cultural conservativists who regard tradition and culture as a power (力量). With this, we are required to investigate our own problems through the new understanding of our traditional thought and culture.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.17-39
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• 2011

As recent inflows of foreign immigrants to relatively advanced countries in Northeast Asia have rapidly increased, Japan in particular uses 'multicultural coexistance' as a key concept for developing both discourse and policies on them. This paper is first of all to suggest a new typology of multicultural societies in the world ill order to differentiate the case of Northeast Asian countries from those of Western countries. And this paper is to suggest that foreign immigrants in Japan have different positions in labor markets and living experiences according to historical and social backgrounds as well as their nationality. The transformation process towards multicultural society is not only historical and social but also geographical and spatial, as foreign immigrants have made different spatial distribution and regional segregation in types. In order to control this socio-spatial process towards multicultural society, Japan has developed the concept of 'multicultural coexistence' similar with that of multiculturalism in Western countries. This concept seems to be quite significant as it has been initiated by local communities for symbiotic relationship between foreign immigrants and native Japanese dwellers. But it can be regarded as a strategic ideology to control foreign immigrants as it targets mainly on Nikkeijin, and is usually concerned with the cultural aspect. Seen from a theoretical point of view, this concept can be seen as closed with liberal multiculturalism as opportunity equity, but far from corporative multiculturalism as outcome equity, and it is on the process transferring from the first stage of tolerance to the second stage of legislation of nondiscrimination, while being distant from the third stage of legislation paradigmization of recognition, and hence appears to be easily reverted to assimilationism.