• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.84-94
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• 2015

This study is to examine how the admiration for Chutzu(朱子)'s achievement while he was preaching his policies after renouncing the world in Wuyi-Gugok(武夷九曲), Mt. Wuyi and Joseon-style transformation culture were unfolded and developed through Gugok management cases such as position, name, poetic diction, Jungsa(精舍) architecture and engraving of Muyi-Gugok set in Mt. Gugok, Snacheong. The results were as follows: Myungam(明庵) Jeong Sik(鄭拭, 1683~1746)'s Muyi-Gugok, which consists of Suhongkyo(垂虹橋, gok 1) - Oknyeobong(玉女峰) - Nhongwhaldam(弄月潭) - Nacwhadam(落花潭) - Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) - Gwangpyungryea(光風瀨) - Jaewhaldae(霽月臺) - Gorooam(鼓樓巖) - Wharyongpok(臥龍瀑, gok 9) is the representative case where Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok was exactly copied and fulfilled to the Joseon Dynasty. In a large frame, Gugok Wonlim culture, Myungam's Muyi-Gugok management has a will of succession of Dotong(道統) through admiration for Chutzu in a rigid way. Another name of Mt. Gugok is Mt. Muyi and Gugok's name is Muyi-Gugok and the residence existed between gok 4 and gok 5. In addition, the name of Jeongsa for Gugok management is also 'Muyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍)' and Gugok name and contents of Poetry are also similar and all of these are clear evidence that Myungam tries to copy Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok to Mt. Gugok. Also, Gugok set before Myungam were located in Mt. Gugok and among them, verified four Gugok names are corresponded to those of Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok and it tells that conforming behavior as one of admiration ways for Chutzu already arrived at Mt. Gugok before Myungam and this was an oppotunty to widen Mt. Gugok Muyi-Gugok's tradition and horizon. Also, considering that Myungam's gok 6, Gwangpyungryea and gok 7, Jewoldae are names from 'Gwangpungjewol(光風霽月)' Based on Chutzu's poem and they are closely related to Joseon's classical scholar spirit, they are associated with Joseon-style transformation of Chutzu's Muyi-Gugok. Meanwhile, gok 5 'Daeeunbyeong' was transformed to 'Nangaam(爛柯巖)' in gok 5 - "Deoksan-Gugok(德山九曲) of Jooko(竹塢) Ha Beom-Woon(河範運, 1792~1858) and those characters's engravings are handed down. In "Pome of Deoksan Gugok" transformed from Myungam's Muyi-Gugok, respect and admiration for Chutzu is weaken while Ha Beom-Woon admires Nammyeong(南冥) Cho shik(曺植, 1501~1572), a symbolic character of himself's school and from this, a movement to promote partisan unity is identified. After Myungam died, Muyi-Gugok in Mt. Gugok was transformed from a space to succeed Chutzu's Dotonga to one to commemorate the memory of ancient sages, but, it is a typicality case that widen the spectrum of Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim culture through Muyi-Gugok's imitation and transformation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.10-20
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• 2023

Zhū Xī, the representative of Confucianism, and Báiyùchán, the representative of Taoism in the South Song Dynasty, showed different sense of appreciation and enjoyment on the same space that was Mountain Wǔyí in their ideologically cultural ways. Based on the temples Wŭyíjīngshè(武夷精舍) where Zhū Xī stayed and Zhĭzhĭān(止止庵) where Báiyùchán resided, this study revealed their lives in such temples to look into their appreciation on ideology and space. Then, based on the words 'YiBoEumYeong [移步吟詠]' shown on the poetry they chanted in relation with Wǔyíjiǔqū from its 1^st valley to its 9^th valley, this study examines their understanding of scenery and system of appreciation that appeared in dynamic ways to conclude: First, even same scenery shows different understanding of scenery and appreciation of space in accordance with the viewers' thinking ways of culture. Second, as the Confucianism and Taoism influenced in ideologically cultural ways to develop each other in the Song dynasty, they absorbed their merits each other to supplement shortcomings in their own. In this process, they made it clear that their own propositions were different between them in their essential meanings although they used common terms for such propositions. Third, as the Confucian master who compiled the Neo-Confucianism of the South Song dynasty, Zhū Xī regarded Wŭyíjīngshè and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a place of learning and a place of seeking the truth to go for 'being unified with nature' so that everyday life can be united with Tao of Li [理] everywhere beyond the limited appreciation of the scenery. That is, this thought works for 'recovery of nature of our own [復其性]', the learning goal of Confucianism, and is aimed to 'cultivate the essential nature of our own(性情涵養)' through such beautiful nature. Fourth, as the master of Keumdan family of the South Song Taoism, Báiyùchán regarded Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a Taoist temple that has a long history rooting from Taesangwon temple, a clean place of discipline to become a Taoist hermit through hard training. He, therefore, directly referred to Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū in relation with the Taoist legends remaining in Wǔyíjiǔqū such as hermits' dinners, female hermits, leaving the human world as a hermit and so on as ways for becoming a hermit so that he went for the level of perfectly going out of human world and becoming a hermit. He, therefore, defined Mountain Wǔyí as a world and universe of hermits where he himself too hovered between outside and inside of poetry literature as a hermit through the mood and attitude of keeping himself enjoying the scenery as a hermit.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.66-80
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• 2009

This paper attempts to investigate how the cultural phenomena associated with 'Wuyi-Doga(武夷棹歌)' and 'Wuyi-Gugok (武夷九曲)' was introduced to Joseon. The icon and code of 'Gugok' cultural text which was observed in the process of transmitting the culture through repetition and imitation were examined. With regard to research methodology, an 'analysis and discussion framework' was designed based on the literature review, field survey and the seven textuality criteria proposed by Dressier. Then the textuality of 'Wuyi-Gugok' was analyzed in terms of the dependent relation of text, the relationship between the creator and user, repetition, imitation and the spread process. Since ZhouHee(朱熙)'s 'Wuyi-Doga' and 'Wuyi-Gugok' were introduced to Joseon through literature and paintings, they became a part of the cultural Phenomena with unprecedented popularity. As a result, a great number of imitations can be found. In addition, governors would even take care of political affairs in a scenic mountain valley as described in this literature. Regardless of the writer's intentiot 'Gugok' settled in Joseon as new culture in harmony with Taoism and Sung COnfucianism. In other words, Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim(九曲園林) accepted the nature-appreciation aesthetic consciousness in 'Wuyi-Doga' and 'Wuyi-Gugok' on the basis of Taoism and Sung Confucianism. In terms of the text-based dependent relation only, however, the geographical coherence was somewhat loosened while the Gugok Culture that was dependent on Taoism or elegance in life dominated the internal structure of the textuality. Meantime, the internal factors that dominated the textuality of 'Wdyi-Gugok' were interpreted as 1) 'Aesthetics of Bending, Water Whirls', 2) 'Territoriality Expression Carve letters,' 3) 'Cultural Landscape seeing through the Speculation of Meaning,' 4) 'The Pursuit of Oddness and Presentationism' and 5) 'Transcendental Landscape of Taoism and Topos.'

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.17-27
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• 2024

This research interprets the unique hybridity of the pavilion architecture in the Joseon Dynasty, in which the name and form do not match and the rooms and floors are combined in various ways, through the Confucian architectural prototype Muijeongsa(武夷精舍) built by Zhu Xi(朱熹). The architectural representation of Muijeongsa, developed against the background of the mid-Joseon period of active pavilion management by Sarim(士林) groups, the spread of ondols due to the Little Ice Age, and an architectural culture following the footsteps of the Zhu Xi is likely to have influenced the perception and practice of pavilion architecture. In this research, by examining and analyzing the contents of the Muijeongsa Japyeongbyeongseo(武夷精舍雜詠幷序) containing the architectural composition of Muijeongsa, it was confirmed that different types of spaces such as Dang(堂), Jeong(亭), Jae(齋), and Gwan(館) are integrated into Muijeongsa. Based on this, the main examples of the architecture of Jeongsa in the mid-Joseon Dynasty were reinterpreted into four types from the perspective of the combination of Dang and Jeong, and the junction of Jeong and Jeongsa. Dang and Jeong were either juxtaposed as separate buildings or implemented with a relationship of inclusion within one building. And the concept of Jeong, which was considered secondary to Dang, was used as a category that was replaced with the Jeongsa itself. Lastly, the name 'Jeongsa' was used, but the location had a strong character of 'Jeong', and the architectural form adhered to the form of 'Dang', thereby exquisitely reconstructing the composition of Muijeongsa as a single building.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.62-82
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• 2019

Taking the three Wuyi-Gugok Drawings, 『A Picture Showing the Boundary Between Mountains and Rivers: A』, 『Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain: B』 and 『Eighteen Sceneries of Wuyi Mountain: C』, which were produced in the mid-Qing Dynasty as the research objects and after investigating the names recorded in the paintings, this paper tries to analyze the scenic spots, scene types and images in the literature survey. Also, based on the number of Scenic type and the number of Scenic name in each Gok, landscape richness(LR) and landscape similarity(LS) of the Gugok scenic spots, the cognitive characteristics of the landscape in the 18th century were carefully observed. The results are as follows. Firstly, according to the description statistics of scenic spot types in Wuyi Mountain Chronicle, there were 41 descriptions of scenery names in the three paintings, among which rock, peak and stone accounted for the majority. According to the data, the number of rocks, peaks and stones in Wuyi-Gugok landscape accounted for more than half, which reflected the characteristics of geological landscape such as Danxia landform in Wuyi-Gugok landscape. Secondly, the landscape of Gugok Stream(九曲溪) was diverse and full of images. The 1^st Gok Daewangbong(大王峰) and Manjeongbong(幔亭峰), the 2^nd Gok Oknyeobong(玉女峰), the 3^rd Gok Sojangbong(小藏峰), the 4^th Gok Daejangbong(大藏峰), the 5^th Gok Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) and Muijeongsa(武夷精舍), the 6^th Gok Seonjangbong(仙掌峰) and Cheonyubong(天游峰) all had outstanding landscape in each Gok. However, the landscape features of the 7^th~9^th Gok were relatively low. Thirdly, according to the landscape image survey of each Gok, the image formation of Gugok cultural landscape originates from the specificity of the myths and legends related to Wuyi Mountain, and the landscape is highly well-known. Due to the specificity, the landscape recognition was very high. In particular, the 1^st Gok and the 5^th Gok closely related to the Taoist culture based on Muigun, the Stone Carving culture and the Boat Tour culture related to neo-confucianism culture of Zhu Xi. Fourthly, according to the analysis results of landscape similarity of 41 landscape types shown in the figure, the similarity of A and C was very high. The morphological description and the relationship of distant and near performance was very similar. Therefore, it could be judged that this was obviously influenced by one painting. As a whole, the names of the scenes depicted in the three paintings were formed at least in the first half of 18^th century through a long history of inheritance, accumulated myths and legends, and the names of the scenes. The order of the scenery names in three Drawings had some differences. But among the scenery names appearing in all three Drawings, there were 21 stones, 20 rocks and 17 peaks. Stones, rocks and peaks guided the landscape of Gugok Streams in Wuyi Mountain. Fifthly, Seonjodae(仙釣臺) in A and C was described in the 4^th Gok, but what deserved attention was that it was known as the scenery name of the 3^rd Gok in Korean. In addition, Seungjindong(升眞洞) in the 1^st Gok and Seokdangsa(石堂寺) in the 7^th Gok were not described in Drawings A, B and C. This is a special point that needs to be studied in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).