• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.18 no.3 s.30
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• pp.207-212
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• 2005

통과대진사탁명문지설특징적연구득출이하결론(通過對陳士鐸命門之說特徵的硏究得出以下結論): 1. 명문위선천지화(命門爲先天之火), 차종개념상역가위선천지수화(且從槪念上亦可爲先天之水火). 2. 명문지화가칭지위선천지화(命門之火可稱之爲先天之火), 신화(腎火), 신중지화(腎中之火), 무형지화(無形之火), 진화(眞火), 건화(乾火), 원기(原氣), 음중지화(陰中之火), 수중유양등(水中有陽等); 이명문지수가칭지위선천지수(而命門之水可稱之爲先天之水), 신수(腎水), 신중지수(腎中之水), 무형지수(無形之水), 진수(眞水), 원정(原精), 음중지수(陰中之水), 화중유음등(火中有陰等). 3. 진수가생진화(眞水可生眞火), 진화역가생진수(眞火亦可生眞水), 양자위호생적관계(兩者爲互生的關係). 강조료유형지화(强調了有形之火), 수극화(水克火), 단무형지화(但無形之火), 수생화(水生火). 4. 명문지화시일양함어이음지간적감괘상(命門之火是一陽陷於二陰之間的坎卦象). 5. 인적생명활동고수화이생, 이신중적진화진수지명문시기본원(而腎中的眞火眞水之命門是其本源). 6. 명문시운행십이경맥적주체(命門是運行十二經脈的主體), 시십이경지주(是十二經之主), 차위촉사생성십이관공능적십이관지화원(且爲促使生成十二官功能的十二官之化源), 고위십이관지주(故爲十二官之主). 7. 명문적작용가영향정개십이관(命門的作用可影響整個十二官), 우기시인화생토적관계(尤其是因火生土的關係), 대비적공능적영향갱대(對脾的功能的影響更大). 8. 인적생명지성쇠의고명문지화, 고명문지화고갈즉인적생명장종결(故命門之火枯竭則人的生命將終結). 9. 오곤(吳崑), 장개빈등계승료류하간적주장(張介賓等稽承了劉河間的主張), 기인위자하향상수지제칠절처위시명문(旣認爲自下向上數至第七節處爲是命門), 차처기위소심(此處旣爲小心). 10. 진사탁계승상술학설화조헌가지설(陣士鐸繼承上述學說和趙獻可之說), 주장칠절지방시소심(主張七節之芳是小心), 차인위차처기위명문소재(且認爲此處旣爲命門所在).

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 2000

대태극적내용화재인신내응장하처간작태극적문제진행료고찰(對太極的內容和在人身內應將何處看作太極的問題進行了考察), 득도료여하결론(得到了如下結論). 1. 태극최조재주역계사전중유공자장태극제시위팔괘생성적기본원리(太極最早在周易繫辭傳中由孔子將太極提示爲八卦生成的基本原理), 지후(之後), 량한도당대적저일기간내(兩漢到唐代的這一期間內), 인위태극시창조만물적원시적혼돈지기(認爲太極是創造萬物的原始的混沌之氣), 중앙원기(中央元氣), 몰유분화위음양적기적개념(沒有分化爲陰陽的氣的槪念), 당시피해석위우주간최초적혼연일체적원기적사상점료주류(當時被解釋爲宇宙間最初的渾然一體的元氣的思想占了主流). 2. 주돈신작태극도설(周敦?作太極圖說), 최초제시료무극적개념(最初提示了無極的槪念), 지후(之後), 이주자위대표(以朱子爲代表), 송대적성리학자장태극해석위만물중적궁극지리(宋代的性理學者將太極解釋爲萬物中的窮極之理), 최초장태극해석위리(最初將太極解釋爲理). 3 한동석계승료금일부적삼극설(韓東錫繼承了金一夫的三極說), 이삼극적변화원리설명료태극(以三極的變化原理說明了太極).. 손일규(孫一奎), 조헌가(趙獻可), 장개빈등주장명문설(張介賓等主張命門說), 견지명문위태극(堅持命門爲太極), 인위저명문위우태극적본체수기작용적신장지간(認爲這命門位于太極的本體水起作用的腎臟之間), 동통제수화(同統制水火), 추동인체생명력적원천(推動人體生命力的源泉), 인차여철학상소론급적태극적개념유류사지처(因此與哲學上所論及的太極的槪念有類似之處). 4. 황원어주장적중기위태극설(黃元御主張的中氣爲太極說) 인위태극내창조생명적근원지기(認爲太極乃創造生命的根源之氣), 창조지후야불단공급생명(創造之後也不斷供給生命) 력적중기구유태극적속성(力的中氣具有太極的屬性). 재저일점상가이해석위수토합덕지공적위치(在這一点上可以解釋爲水土合德之空的位置), 대차환유대진일보적고찰(對此還有待進一步的考察). 5. 소동진주장적비위태극설인위비위십토(邵同珍主張的脾胃太極說認爲脾爲十土), 위생명통일적기초(爲生命統一的基礎), 인차응파타인위시무극위타(因此應把?認爲是無極爲妥). 6. 소강절주장적심위태극설인위만물중매일물도시일개태극(邵康節主張的心爲太極說認爲萬物中每一物都是一?太極), 구유태극적속성(具有太極的屬性), 심재오행중속화(心在五行中屬火), 위발동광명지처(爲發動光明之處), 인차이삼극적원리래간(因此以三極的原理來看), 이오토장태극수진행분열(以五土將太極水進行分裂), 지칠화적황극적위치급통치병주재만물적군주지위(至七火的皇極的位置及統治幷主宰萬物的君主之位). 7. 당종해주장적미분지란위태극지설(唐宗海主張的未分之卵爲太極之說), 장태극비유위계란적원시물질(將太極比喩爲鷄卵的原始物質), 란핵등(卵核等), 단정자여란자상결합(但精子與卵子相結合), 상미진행분열적상태위원시적혼륜지물(尙未進行分裂的狀態爲原始的渾淪之物), 위장분화위음양지처(爲將分化爲陰陽之處), 인차본인인위장기정위태극적상법최위첩절(因此本人認爲將其定爲太極的想法最爲貼切).

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.36-73
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.18 no.2 s.29
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• pp.1-19
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• 2005

통과대명대저명의가(通過對明代著名醫家), 온보파창시자설기(溫補派創始者薛己)$(1487{\sim}1559)$적생애화의학사상(的生涯和醫學思想), 득출여하결론(得出如下結論): 설기생여의학세가(薛己生於醫學世家), 종소학습유학화의학(從小學習儒學和醫學), 기부사후(其父死後), 체부진입태의원성료의사(替父進入太醫院成了醫士), 지후선후역임태의원이목(之後先後歷任太醫院吏目), 남경태의원원판(南京太醫院院判), 원사등직(院使等職), 병어1540년(44세)기관회향(幷於1540年(44歲)棄官回鄕), 전심여치료환자여저술(專心於治療患者與著述). 설기적저작대부분내(薛己的著作大部分內) 용이의안형식서사(容以醫案形式書寫), 기내용포함내과(其內容包含內科), 외과(外科), 부산과(婦産科), 소아과(小兒科), 침구과(鍼灸科), 치과(齒科), 안과(眼科), 골과(骨科), 본초등(本草等). 기본인친(其本人親) 자저술적유이(自著述的有以)${\ulcorner}$내과적요(內科摘要)${\lrcorner}$위시약12종(爲始約12種), 교주적유이(校注的有以)${\ulcorner}$부인대전양방(婦人大全良方)${\lrcorner}$위시8종(爲始8種), 교감적의서약유6종(校勘的醫書約有6種), 공계대약(共計大約) 유26종지다(有26種之多). 설기수(薛己受)${\ulcorner}$내경(內經)${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$난경(難經)${\lrcorner}$급장원소화금원사대가적영향교심(及張元素和金元四大家的影響較深). 재사대가중(在四大家中), 우기수동원화단계적영향최심(尤其受東垣和丹溪的影響最深). 차외(此外), 가지기수교주의서적영향역교대(可知其受校注醫書的影響亦較大), 기통과박람군서(其通過博覽群書), 대담실천(大膽實踐), 광수자료(廣收資料), 선우총결(善于總結), 최종성료일명의가(最終成了一名醫家). 설기수이동원(薛己受李東垣)${\ulcorner}$비위론(脾胃論)${\lrcorner}$적영향(的影響), 강조비위적중요성(强調脾胃的重要性), 병수차제출비통혈적이론(幷首次提出脾統血的理論) 기여이동원적학설부동지처시(其與李東垣的學說不同之處是), 재치료화쇠토약형허한증시(在治療火衰土弱型虛寒證時), 주장이보화생토지법내치료(主張以補火生土之法來治療), 인위비여신적생리작용호위관련(認爲脾與腎的生理作用互爲關聯), 비토화생정미(脾土化生精微), 이자양신여명문(以滋養腎與命門) 반과래(反過來), 신여명문역대위토기온후작용(腎與命門亦對緯土起溫煦作用); 이재병리방면(而在病理方面), 비토구허(脾土久虛), 가치신허(可致腎虛), 신허즉불능생토(腎虛則不能生土), 역가치비허(亦可致脾虛). 설기적극반대명대의가수금원지유풍(薛己積極反對明代醫家受金元之遺風), 이한양약공하(以寒凉藥攻下), 혹남용지백이강화(或濫用知柏以降火), 극벌생기적작법(克伐生氣的作法), 이주장용편온적약물진행조보(而主張用偏溫的藥物進行調補), 기상용적전인처방유보중익기탕(其常用的前人處方有補中益氣湯), 사물탕(四物湯), 사군자탕(四君子湯), 육군자탕(六君子湯), 독삼탕(獨蔘湯), 삼부탕(蔘附湯), 육미환(六味丸), 팔미환(八味丸), 신기환(腎氣丸), 회양탕(回陽湯), 당귀보혈탕등(當歸補血湯等).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.18-41
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• 2017

The Gangjin WolnamSaji(月南寺址) is a small site where three-story pagodas and a destroyed tombstone remained. In 1973, it was discovered that the destroyed tombstone was that of the second master of Susunsa, Hye shim(慧諶), who had a special relationship with the military regime in Goryeo, and it once again attracted attention as a result of the recent excavation of the Rooftile of Yeonhwamun(蓮花文). In particular, the Windchime excavated in 2012 is a large-sized one group with a length of 23cm, and a relatively large Sanskrit character was decorated on four sides of the body. In addition, it was also confirmed in preservation process that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' was engraved. The Sanskrit characters(梵字) om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ), brum( , bhrūṃ) were decorated on the body of the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji. Om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ) are known as the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of having the highest honor. In addition, the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) allows us to understand the truth by responding to the principle of universe, which is the Vairocana Buddha(毘盧遮那佛), and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of unity. In the end, the meaning of the Sanskrit decorating the four sides of the Wind-chime, of WolnamSaji(月南寺址), can be interpreted as the expression of the Buddha's doctrine, or the willingness to be combined with Buddha, the highest existence in itself. It is possible that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' carved on the body can be regarded as the name of the master craftsman related to the making of the Wind-chime, but it is unlikely that it is the name of the master craftsman, considering that it is a place where the location is not easily seen. If so, you can think of the original function that the Wind-chime has. In other words, it can be interpreted symbolically and implicitly that the wish of the sound of the airwaves symbolized by the words of the Buddha covers the sky and spreads all over the place. It is thought that the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji(月南寺址) was made in the mid to late 13th century considering the comparisons with another wind-chime excavated from the temple site, the historical situation in the late Goryeo, the publication date of the scriptures(經典) of Esoteric Buddhism(密敎).

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.88
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• pp.103-122
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• 2013

This paper aims to study on conceptual suitability or unfitness of Silhak(實學). It is general that by criticizing Chujahak(朱子學) or beyond the limitation of Seonglihak(性理學), Silhak has developed practical tendency to reforming the society in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty, related to the context of Korean national reflection in modern times. However, it is unfortunate to be understood. As presented in Chosenwangjosillok(『朝鮮王朝實錄』), there has been a few usages in the term 'Silhak'. In short, it was different from its contemporary meaning. At that time, it was usually used to have the meaning of Gyunghak(經學), compared to Sajanghak(詞章學), or rarely, of 'the true study' or 'the practical study'. Therefore, it is to claim that its conception has been manipulated or exaggerated very seriously. Since 1930s, in particular, its conception has been misused in interpreting works of Jung Yak-Yong by some scholars, such as Jung In-Bo, Moon Il-Pyung and An Jae-Hong, who tried to apply the term to overcome the Japanese colonial era symbolised as modernity based on the future life of Korea. Even though their attempt has led to have crucial discussions on the conceptions of Silhak, it has an unnecessary result that there has been a new and totally different understanding of Silhak in South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, etc., which means that the unsustainable conception of Silhak has been one of major problems in studying of Silhak. To give an practical solution, I would try to make sense of 'time spirit' whose scholars studied Silhak in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty. A problem, however, is that a scholar group in the name of Bukhakpa(北學派) had certain links and bonds. This is because many scholars studying of Silhak were usually features out of the main stream, which made them it difficult to form any various groups. That is to say, it seems to be natural that they have dreamed of utopian imaginations less than of overlapping points in reality. To sum up, it would be concluded at least that any approach to human lives and thoughts in the given conceptions of Silhak, e.g. ethical thoughts of Silhak, enables us to be indifferentiated to take its true meaning and time spirit of Chosen Dynasty. To be disenchanted of its social roles in Chosen Dynasty, fundamentally, it should be escaped from the wrong net of illusions and sings in understanding Silhak in certain eclectic steps.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.20-37
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• 2012

After withdrawal of military troops of Chinese Tang dynasty in the 18th year of King Moon-moo's reign(678), the Silla Kingdom had actually unified the Korean peninsula and had divided the territory into 9 states benchmarking the China's local administrations adjustment system. He had established local administrative units by deploying secondary capitals, counties and prefectures in the nine states. The so-called "9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" are what constitutes the local administrations system. The provinces can be compared to current provinces of the Republic of Korea(hereinafter Korea), and secondary capitals to megalopolises. According to a chapter of the Samkuksaki(三?史記) which had recorded the achievements of king Kyoungdeok in December in his 16th year on the throne(757), the local administrative units had amounted to 5 secondary capitals, 117 counties and 293 prefectures. There are still lots of ambiguous points since there have never been any consultation on locations of provinces and secondary capitals' castles, and on structures of cities because the researches for local cities inside the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals in the Unified Silla Kingdom has been conducted centering on the historic literatures only. The research for restoring structures of cities seen from an archeological perspective are limited to the studies of Taewoo Park("A study on the local cities in the Unified Kingdom Age" 1987) and that of the author("A study on the restoration of planned cities for the Unified Silla Kingdom in terms of the structures and realities of the castles in the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" 2009). The Gangneung city of Gangwon province was originally called Haseoryang(河西良) of the Gogureo Kingdom as an ancient nation of Ye(濊). According to "Samkuksaki", it had evolved from Haseoju(河西州) to a secondary capitals in the 8th year of King Seonduk(639). Afterwards, it had been renamed as Myeongju(溟洲) in the 16th year of King Kyoungduk(757), and then several other names were given to it after Goryo dynasty. Taewoo Park claims that it is being defined as a sanctuary remaining in Myoungjudong because of the vestige of bare castle, and this cannot be ascertained due to the on-going urbanization processes. Also, the Kwandong university authority is suggesting an opinion of regarding Myeongju mountain castle located 3 Kms southwest of the center of Gangwon city as commanding post for the pertinent state. The author has restored the pertinent area into a city composed of villages within a lattice framework like Silla Keumkyoung and many other cities. The structure is depicted next. The downtown of Gangneung is situated on a flat terrain at the west bank of Namdaecheon stream flowing southwest to northeast along the inner area of the city. Though there isn't any hill comparatively higher than others in the vicinity, hills are continuously linked east to west along the northern area of the downtown, and the maximum width of flat terrain is about 1 Km and is not so large. Currently, urbanization is being proceeded into the inner portion of Gangneung city, the lands in all directions from the hub of Gangneung station have been readjusted, and thus previous land-zoning program is almost nullified. However, referring to the topographic chart drawn at the time of Japanese colonial rule, it can be validated that land-zoning program to accord the lattice framework with the length of its one side equaling to 190m leaves its vestige about 0.8Km northwest to southeast and about 1.7Km northeast to southwest of the vicinity of Okcheondong, Imdangdong, Geumhakdong, Myeongjudong, and etcetera which comprize the hub of the downtown. The land-zoning vestige within the lattice framework, compared to other cases related with the '9 states and 5 secondary capitals', is very much likely to be that of the Unified Silla Kingdom. That the length of a side of a lattice framework is 190m as opposed to that of Silla Geumkyoung and other cities with their 140m or 160m long sides is a single survey item in the future. The baseline direction for zoning the lands is tilting approximately 37.5 degrees west of northwest to southeast axis in accordance with the topographic features. It seems that this phenomenon takes place because of the direction of Namdaecheon and the geographic constraints of the hills in the north. Reviewing minimally, a rectangular size of zoned land by 4 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 7 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side had been restored within a lattice framework. Otherwise, considering the extent of expansion of the existing zoned lands in the lattice framework and one more Pang(坊) being added to each side, it is likely that the size could have been with 5 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 8 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side(950 M on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 1,520m on the northeast to southwest side). The overall shape is rectangle, but land-zoning programs reminiscent of rebuilt roads(red phoenix road) like Jang-an castle(長安城) of Chinese Tang dynasty or Pyoungseong castle(平城城) in Japan is not to be validated. There are some historic items among the roof tiles and earthen wares excavated at local administrative office sites or Gangneung's town castle in Joseon dynasty inside the area assumed to be containing municipal vestiges even though archeological survey for the vestige of Myeongju has not been made yet, and these items deserve dating back to the Unified Silla Kingdom age. Also, all of the construction sites at local administrative authorities of the Joseon dynasty are showing large degrees of slant in the azimuth. This is a circumstantial evidence indicating the fact that the inherited land-zoning programs to be seen in Gangneung in terms of the lattice framework had ever existed in the past. Also, the author does not decline that Myeongju mountain castle had once been the commanding post when reviewing the roof tiles at the edge of eaves in this stronghold. The ancient municipal castles in the Korean peninsula are composed of castles on the flat terrain as well as hilly areas and the cluster of strongholds like Myounghwal, Namhan, Seohyoung mountain castles built around municipal castle of Geumkyoung based on a lattice framework program. Considering that mountain castles are spread in the vicinity of municipal vestiges in other cities other than the 9 states and 5 secondary capitals, it is estimated that Myeongju was assuming the function of commanding post incorporating cities on the flat terrain and castles on the hills.