• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.17-29
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• 2006

Purpose: This research aimed to investigate the actual condition and satisfaction of volunteer activity in Australian hospital. Methods: Data was collected by self reported questionnaire from 101 volunteers and analyzed by frequency and percentage, t-test, ANOVA and Sheffe and Pearson's correlation coefficients using SPSS 12.0. Results: 1. Years involved in volunteer work were $5{\sim}10$ years (32.7%), above 10 years (30.7%), $2{\sim}3$ years (11.9%) and $3{\sim}5$ years (10.9%). Types of volunteer work were physical care (32.7%), physical and emotional care (14.9%), and others (18.8%). Types of allocation of tasks were by volunteer coordination (55.7%), and by volunteer preference and consent between volunteer and coordinator (both respectively, 20.5%). Main reasons for volunteer work were to help sick people (61.4%) and to make good use of leisure time (22.8%). Routes to start volunteer work were from his (her) own inquiries (43.4%), from hearing from other volunteers (30.7%) and from mass media (13.1%). 80.2% of volunteers had received some kinds of training or preparation for volunteer work. Suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work were 'very well' (74.0%) and 'mostly well' (18.0%). Reimbursements or benefits received for volunteer work were token or lunch or group outing (31.7%), and token and lunch or group outing (19.8%). Evaluation frequency for volunteer work was occasionally (372%), frequently (30.9%), always (17.0%) and never (14.9%). Relationship with volunteer work coordinator was very good (85.0%). The relationship with other volunteers was very good (81.2%). The relationship with hospital staffs was very good (69.7%) and mostly good (21.2%). Family and friend's support for volunteer work was very good (83.2%). 2 The mean score of satisfaction for the hospital volunteer activity was $3.09{\pm}0.49\;(range:\;1{\sim}4)$. The highest score domain was 'social contact', $3.48{\pm}0.61$, and the lowest was 'social exchange', $1.65{\pm}0.63$. An item of the highest score was 'I have an opportunity to help other people' ($3.83{\pm}0.40$), and the lowest score item was 'I will receive compensation for volunteer work I have done ($1.10{\pm}0.78$).' 3. The satisfaction from hospital volunteer activity was shown by significant difference according to sex (t=2.038, P=0.044), marital status (F=3.806, P=0.013), years involved in volunteer work (F=3.326), nam reason to do volunteer work (F=2.707, P=0.035), receive any training or preparation for volunteer work (t=-1.982, 0=0.050), frequency of evaluation for volunteer work (F=7.877, P=0.000), suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work (t=2.712, P=0.049), relationship with volunteer work coordinators (F=-2.517, P=0.013), relation with hospital staffs (F=5.202, P=0.007), and support of their volunteer work by their family and friends (t=-3.394, P=0.001). Conclusion: The satisfaction of hospice volunteer activity was moderate. The satisfaction for hospice volunteer activity was shown by significant difference according to sex (t=2.038, P=0.044), marital status (F=3.806, P=0.013), years involved in volunteer work (F=3.326), main reason to do volunteer work (F=2.707, P=0.035), receive any training or preparation for volunteer work (t=-1.982, 0=0.050), frequency of evaluation for volunteer work (F=7.877, P=0.000), suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work (t=2.712, P=0.049), relationship with volunteer work coordinator (F=-2.517, P=0.013), relation with hospital staffs (F=5.202, P=0.007), and family and friend's support for volunteer work (t=-3.394, P=0.001). Therefore, it is necessary to consider various factors to improve the satisfaction of voluntary work.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.43 no.6
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• pp.987-996
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• 1996

Background : We prospectively evaluated the applicability and effect of noninvasive ventilation (NIV) in acute respiratory failure and tried to find out the parameters that could predict successful application of NIV. Methods : Twenty-six out of 106 patients with either acute ventilatory failure (VF: $PaCO_2$ > 43 mm Hg with pH < 7.35) or oxygenation failure (OF: $PaO_2/AO_2$ < 300 mm Hg with $pH{\geq}7.35$) requiring mechanical ventilation were managed by NIV (CPAP + pressure suppon, or BiPAP) with face mask. Eleven out of 19 cases with VF (57.9%) (M : F=7 : $55.4{\pm}14.6$ yrs) and 15 out of 87 cases with OF (17.2%) (M : F=12 : 3, $50.6{\pm}15.6$ yrs) were s uilable for NIY. Respiratory rates, arterial blood gases and success rate of NIV were analyzed in each group. Results: 81.8% (9/11) of YF and 40% (6/15) of OF were successfully managed on NIV and were weruled from mechanical ventilator without resorting to endotracheal intubation. Complications were noted in 2 cases (nasal skin necrosis 1, gaseous gastric distension 1). In NIV for ventilatory failure, the respiration rate was significantly decreased at 12 hour of NIV ($34{\pm}9$ /min pre-NIV, $26{\pm}6$ /min at 12 hour of NIV, p=0.045), while $PaCO_2$ ($87.3{\pm}20.6$ mm Hg pre-NIV, $81.2{\pm}9.1$ mm Hg at 24 hour of NIV) and pH ($7.26{\pm}0.04$, $7.32{\pm}0.02$, respectively, p <0.05) were both significantly decreased at 24 hour of NIV In NIV for oxygenation failure, $PaCO_2$ were not different between the successful and the failed cases at pre-NIV and till 12 hours after NIV. The $PaO_2/FIO_2$ ratio, however, significantly improved at 0.5 hour of NIV in successful cases and were maintained at around 200 mm Hg (n=6 : at baseline, 0.5h, 6h, 12h : $120.0{\pm}19.6$, $218.9{\pm}98.3$, $191.3{\pm}55.2$, $232.8{\pm}17.6$ mm Hg, respectively, p=0.0211), but it did not rise in the failed cases (n=9 : $127.9{\pm}63.0$, $116.8{\pm}24.4$, $100.6{\pm}34.6$, $129.8{\pm}50.3$ mm Hg, respectively, p=0.5319). Conclusion : From the above results we conclude that NIV is effective for hypercapnic respiratory failure and its success was heralded by reduction of respiration rale before the reduction in $PaCO_2$ level. In hypoxic respiratory failure, NIV is much less effective, and the immediate improvement of $PaO_2/FIO_2$ ratio at 0.5h after application is thought to be a predictor of successful NIV.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.16
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• pp.303-339
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• 2007

"The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.