• Title/Summary/Keyword: 매체의식

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Research on Korea Mythology in Korea Subculture Contents (한국 서브컬처 콘텐츠에서 한국 신화에 대한 연구)

  • Yun, Young-Seok
    • Cartoon and Animation Studies
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    • s.41
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    • pp.553-578
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    • 2015
  • The Korean society was forcefully merged with the invasion of Japan in 20th century, and traditional culture of Korea was damaged severely by colonization from Japan. After liberation, Korean society experienced drastic social change with Korean War, and industrial economy and democratic system developed as modernization and democratization occurred. However, Korean traditional culture dissolved more severely as Korean society developed industrial economy and democracy. As criticism of existing Western center of society and the emphasis of cultural identity of non-western regions and third-world, world society preferred exchange of culture of diverse nations and people with each other in advent of postmodernism thoughts in mid-late 20th century. If the cultural identity of Korea was dissolving meanwhile, it was needed to be recovered again. Despite the research in Korean history, language, art, architecture was performed to recover cultural identity of Korea, it did not go in-depth with Korean mythology, for Korean mythology is considered as superstition or savage. Mythology shows subconscious group psychology of people who live in certain specific region. Studying Korean mythology is one of the ways to rediscover cultural identity of Korea. In order for Korean mythology to be known to many people, its stories should be told by media. There were movies, plays, drama, and novels produced based on existing Korean mythology as introduction, then these mythical stories are appear in subculture contents such as recent comics, animation, webtoon, games, and light novels. Then population of game players and webtoon readers increased as dissemination of PC and smart phones, and increasing market scale of subculture contents increased a population of consumers of comics, animation, and light novel. Consumers of sub-culture contents were interested as many of these contents were created, base on Korean mythology. Therefore, this paper is written as research on Korean mythology and its signification in sub-cultural contents which were produced base on Korean mythology.

Perceptions on Environment and Environment-Friendly Agricultural Products of College Students in Seoul and Incheon Area (경인지역 대학생의 환경과 친환경농산물에 대한 인식)

  • Sung, Min-Jung;Choi, Hyo-Seon;Chang, Kyung-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.37 no.3
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    • pp.317-324
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    • 2008
  • This study was performed in order to investigate perceptions on environment and environment-friendly agricultural products, knowledge level and opinion about these products. The subjects were 387 college students in Seoul and Incheon area. This survey was conducted by self-administered questionnaire. The statistical analysis was conducted using the SPSS 12.0 program. Male subjects were 53.2% and female subjects were 46.8%. 52.9% of the subjects have knowledge about environment-friendly agricultural products. Also 50.9% of the subjects knew certification label of environment-friendly agricultural products whereas 13.4% knew certification authority of environment-friendly agricultural products. The average scores of 'image of environment-friendly agricultural products', 'attitude towards environment', 'attitude towards agrichemical' were $3.84{\pm}0.68,\;3.51{\pm}0.73\;and\;3.58{\pm}0.87$, respectively. In regard to 'image of environment- friendly agricultural products', the scores were significantly affected by gender (p<0.05), self-recognition of health status (p<0.05) and self-knowledge about environment-friendly agricultural products (p<0.001). In regard to 'attitude towards environment', the scores were significantly affected by self-recognition of health status (p<0.05), self-knowledge about environment-friendly agricultural products (p<0.001), and information about environment friendly agricultural products certificate authority (p<0.01). In regard to 'attitude towards agrichemical', the scores were significantly affected by gender (p<0.001), self-recognition of health status (p<0.05), supplements for health (p<0.05) and self-knowledge about environment-friendly agricultural products (p<0.001). Therefore, various education programs on environment-friendly agricultural products are necessary for college students to make right food choices.

The Ritual Food of Gut as an Explanation System of krean Shamanism (굿 의례음식: 무속 설명체계의 하나)

  • Yi, Yong-Bhum
    • The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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    • no.32
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    • pp.186-218
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    • 2017
  • The ritual food is one of the indispensable elements in rituals of Korean folk beliefs. This is ascertained by the fact that a very simple ritual cannot be practiced and performed even without offering a bowl of water. In this regard, it is properly claimed that food is an essential medium of communications between man and gods if they spiritually meet and communicate each other by way of various rituals in Korean folk beliefs. It is possible to point out Gut, the typical ritual of Korean Shamanism as an example of serving the ritual foods among Korean folk beliefs. One of the striking phenomena in Gut(Korean Shamanism's rituals) is various ritual foods on the tables for Gut. There is no Gut performances without offering ritual foods, and the ritual food in Gut practices is more than just food offering to the gods. Moreover the ritual food tells that what kind of Gut it is and for what purpose it is performed, for whom it is set up. And even the invited gods of Musok are disclosed according to the ritual food in Gut. Also some parts of Musok's worldview are appeared and actualized through the ritual food in Gut. In this sense the ritual food in Gut is one of the important channels for understanding Gut and Musok, and one of the explanation systems about Musok. Even if recognized the importance of the ritual food in Gut, it still has not been draw proper attentions to deserving its importance in the researches on Musok and Gut. Upon the critical reviews on such tendencies of the previous studies this paper tries to clarify the characteristics and significances of the ritual food in Gut by examining the Jinjuk Gut in Seoul area as an case study. On the basis of this examination, the ritual food in Gut comes up to be one of the important paths to understanding Gut and Musok as an explanatory system on Musok in general.

Performance Features of Pansori Drummer from a viewpoint of the Relationship with Singer (창자와의 관계에서 본 판소리 고수의 공연학)

  • Song, Mikyoung
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.23
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    • pp.63-103
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    • 2011
  • This paper inquires closely into the background of pansori gosu(drummer) and his social position based on documents and oral materials and the performance features of gosu in the entire process of pansori performance, 'preparation', 'performance' and 'aftermath', focused on the relationship between the changja(singer)-gosu. In the past, some gosus were ex-tightrope performers. Their social position and working conditions were better than that of the ex-tightrope performers but were worse than that of the pansori singer. After 1910's, people formed some special sense about the gosu due to the change of the space for pansori performances and the technological advances on the media, and gosu's conditions improved. The theory of pansori drum gradually began to be established well. The function and the role of gosu in the whole process of pansori performance may be summarized as follows. To begin with, the training with various and a lot of singers is required in the 'preparation'. Rehearsals are divided into individual practices and joint practices, and the latter can be controlled by the level of the capacity of gosu and the degree of the experience between chanja-gosu. Next, bobiwi(flattering drumming) and chuimsae(encouraging remarks) are important in tbe 'process'. The gosu has to share the speed of one jangdan(rhythmic patterns) and the accent of the sori and adjust his enery. Besides, he has to acknowledge the naedeureum(beginning sign) and reply with changja's singing. In formal performances, working in harmony with changja and gosu and their joint experiences are necessary for the gosu; in pansori contests, giving chanja a stability; in contests for gosu, drumming skill, position, chuimsae; in small performances and new adaptation of pansori, cheap fees and positive response of the transformational play or ad-lib; in lecturer concerts, reacting quickly to rapidly changing situations. Chuimsae is way which gosus and audiences express their feeling together, however, its context and sound are different. Finally, 'aftermath' is a process the pair of chamgja and gosu mutually evaluates about performance or audiences estimate that.

A Survey on the Perception of the Counterplans of Medical Accident and Dispute of Dental Hygienist (의료사고 및 의료분쟁에 대한 치위생사의 인식도 조사)

  • Oh, Jin-Ho;Kwon, Jeong-Seung;Ahn, Hyoung-Joon;Kang, Jin-Kyu;Choi, Jong-Hoon
    • Journal of Oral Medicine and Pain
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    • v.32 no.1
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    • pp.9-33
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    • 2007
  • In the field of dentistry, there existed relatively few emergency patients or patients who need intensive care and thus had low medical dispute rates. However, these days, there is a general tendency of increased medical disputes. Although many medical disputes are caused by medical accidents of the dentists, because dental assistants are also lawfully involved in practicing dentistry, there is a possibility of medical disputes or medical accidents caused by dental assistants. Therefore, the role of the dental assistants cannot be ignored. This study consists of a survey given to dental hygienists currently working in general hospitals, dental hospitals and private dental clinics. Following is the results of the analysis of 275 respondents' backgrounds, medical disputes rates including patients' complaints, their understanding of medical regulations and their general understanding of overall dental practice and medical disputes. 1. 251 of 274(91.6%) respondents doubted the risk of medical accident and dispute. 2. 81(29.5%) dental hygienist experienced complaint from patients. They have been working in the private dental clinic, the rate of this experience was high. 3. 349 case of 1805(19.3%) the complaints by patients, highest percentage among its category, were those regarding dental fees and poor service. 4. 129 case of 1805(7.1%) patients' complaints, highest percentage among it's subcategory, were those regarding the absence of explanations of precautions or request of agreements before dental treatment. 5. 252 of 267 (94.4%) dental hygienists chart after a scaling treatment. However, only 55(20.7%) dental hygienists chart the fact of explaining the precautions. 6. 6(2.2%) dental hygienists do not inspect patients' medical history, if patients don't mention it. 7. 104 of 274(38.0%) dental hygienists responded to be capable of administering first aid treatment. 8. 115(41.8%) dental hygienists have a first aid kit and equipment. 9. In case of medical dispute, 268(97.8%) dental hygienists respond that, charting plays a big role in resolving the dispute. 10. In case of medical dispute, 272(93.3%) dental hygienists respond that, explanation and agreement before treatment have an important role in settlement of dispute 11. Only 160(58.4%) dental hygienists responded correct answer that the duration of keeping medical records is 10 years. 12. 124(45.3%) respondents thought that it is legal for a dental hygienist to take a panoramic dental X-ray, 71(25.9%) respondents thought that it is legal practice cervical resin treatment by dental hygienist, and 37(13.5%) respondents thought that it is legal extract primary teeth by dental hygienist. 13. 24(18.76%) respondents thought that it doesn't matter to tell patient's state to others 14. 272(99.27%) responded that receiving education for the prevention of medical disputes was needed and of them, 61.0% thought it was urgent. 15. 186(64.2%) has never had classes regarding the prevention of medical disputes while in school and 212(77.4%) has not had the same type of classes after graduating from school. 16. 256(93.4%) responded that there will be even more of an increased number of medical disputes. Among them, 83.3% of respondents though that due to the increased opportunity of acquiring information through the internet and mass media. The study shows that 29.5 percentage of dental hygienists have experienced the medical disputes and complaints and they are lack of recognition of medical regulations and dental hygienist's official duty. So, there is a big potential of the percentage to increase. Therefore, the correct understanding of explaining precautions and requesting agreement before dental treatments and performing them are mandatory. Moreover, classes regarding the prevention and counterplans of medical disputes need to be widely offered.

Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.